English
ANNOUNCEMENT OF 8 SEPTEMBER 2022
Three newly-released documents of the Formosa Statehood Movement are posted hereon. They are:
(1) Statement by the Formosa Statehood Movement on the Issuance of a Draft Covenant and a Draft Constitution;
(2) A Draft Covenant to Establish a Commonwealth of Formosa in Political Union with the
United States of America; and
(3) A Draft Constitution for a Territorial Commonwealth of Formosa in the United States of
America.
美國地圖
(圖片取自網路，著作權為原創者所有)
Index of current page
9A The Formosa Statehood Movement
9B The Action the FSM Is Taking in the Present Stage Starting from 2018
9B-01 Helping the people of Taiwan fully acknowledge
9B-02 Launching the PPSC Project
9B-03 Presenting petitions to the U.S. Congress
9B-04 Lobbying the U.S. Congress to enact a series of laws
9B-05 Conducting lobbying activities to get the endorsements
9C Organizations & Leaders
9C-01 In order to promote the cause of the FSM
9C-01a The Formosa Territory Commission (FTC)
9C-01b The Task Force on Plebiscite Petition Signatures Collection
9C-02 Leaders of Organizations
9C-02a Dr. Chung-mo Cheng
9C-02b Mr. David C. Chou
9D The Formosa Statehood Movement and Its Founder
9E Cementing the Tie
9F A Great Cause and Mission
9G An Ardent Appeal
9H Why Taiwan?
9I For more information on the Facebook page of the Formosa Statehood Movement.
9J PROJECT FORM-USA: AN OUTLINE OF THE UNOFFICIAL PLAN ON U.S.-TAIWAN
INTEGRATION: PHASE ONE
9A The Formosa Statehood Movement
The Formosa Statehood Movement (FSM), founded in 1994, is an organization calling for political association of Taiwan (Formosa) with the American Union as an unincorporated, organized territory in the first stage, leading to statehood as a full member of the United States.
9B The Action the FSM Is Taking in the Present Stage Starting from 2018
The FSM is launching its long overdue project at the moment---The Project on Plebiscite Petition Signatures Collection for a Formosa Territory in the American Union (The PPSC Project or The Project) . This is the first step for the FSM to push through the self-determination of the Taiwanese (Formosan) people and the plebiscites for joining the American Union.
The FSM is striving in the present stage to establish a Territory of Formosa (Taiwan), an unincorporated, organized territory of the United States.
The FSM is on its way to holding a plebiscite or plebiscites in Taiwan by making the following moves step by step:
9B-01 Helping the people of Taiwan fully acknowledge that they do have the right to self-determination under international law and completely understand that they stand no chance of holding plebiscites without the acknowledgement, recognition and endorsement of the U.S. government of the right; helping the people of Taiwan acknowledge that the political association of Taiwan with the United States, initiated by the FSM, best serves the interests of the Taiwanese people; also, helping American people acknowledge and realize that the incorporation of Taiwan into the American Union best serves the national interests of the United States.
9B-02 Launching the PPSC Project, with online signatures/operation being the first phase.
9B-03 Presenting petitions to the U.S. Congress by the leadership of the FSM and the representatives of the people of Taiwan randomly selected from the pool of people who signed their petitions. The petitions will be presented respectively when one hundred thousand, two hundred fifty thousand, half a million, one million, two million, five million, and ten million signatures have been collected.
9B-04 Lobbying the U.S. Congress to enact a series of laws that acknowledge and recognize the right of the Taiwanese people to self-determination under international law and that provide a mechanism and framework of plebiscite for the people of Taiwan.
9B-05 Conducting lobbying activities to get the endorsements of the U.S. government for plebiscites in Taiwan at times when both Washington and the people of Taiwan deem appropriate or opportune.
9C Organizations & Leaders
9C-01 In order to promote the cause of the FSM and push through the PPSC Project, the FSM established or to set up the following organizations:
9C-01a The Formosa Territory Commission (FTC), under which a Planning Committee on the Establishment of a Territorial Commonwealth of Formosa and the Pescadores in Political Union with the United States (The Planning Committee) is to be organized; and
9C-01b The Task Force on Plebiscite Petition Signatures Collection for a Formosa Territory in the American Union (The Task Force).
9C-02 Leaders of Organizations
9C-02a Dr. Chung-mo Cheng
Current Positions:
Chairman, Taiwan Law & Policy Research Foundation
Chairman, Taiwan Administrative Law Association
Chairman, European Union Study Association-Taiwan
Chairman, The Formosa Territory Commission (Not officially announced yet)
Education:
Post-doctoral Research Scholar, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A., 1971
LL.D., University of Vienna, Austria, 1970
Research Scholar, University of Tokyo, Japan, 1967
LL.M., Waseda University, Japan, 1966
LL.B., Soochow University, 1962
Experience:
Chairman, Formosa National Legal strategy Association (Party), 2009-2012;
Chairman, Friends of Lee Teng-Hui Association Formosa, 2008-;
Chairman, European Union Study Association-Taiwan, 2008-;
Chairman, Taiwan Law ＆ Policy Research Foundation, 2007-;
Chairman, Taiwan Administrative Law Association, 2005-2011;
Vice-President, Judicial Yuan, 1999-2007;
Minister, Ministry of Justice, 1998-99;
Grand Justice, Judicial Yuan, 1994-98;
Commissioner, Examination Yuan, 1990-94;
Commissioner, Taiwan Provincial Government, 1982-90;
Guest Professor, University of Vienna, Austria, 1980-81;
Professor and Dean, Graduate School of Law, National Chunghsing University, 1979-82;
Professor and Chairman, Department of Law, National Chunghsing University, 1977-79;
Professor and Chairman, Department of Law, Fuhsingkang College, 1973-77;
Section Chief, Senior Specialist, and Advisor, Executive Yuan, 1971-73
Publications:
"Basic Theory of Administrative Law" (1991);
"Essay of Compensational Law System" (1986);
"Collection of Administrative Laws I" (1990);
"Administrative Law in the Past 40 Years" (1990);
"The General Legal Principles of the Administrative Law" (editor, 2 vols.) (1994,1997);
"Selected Hundred Sentences of the Administrative Law" (editor) (1997);
"New Tendency of the Administrative Law Development in 21th Century"(2001)
9C-02b Mr. David C. Chou
Education:
National Taipei University (formerly National Chunghsing University), College of Law and Commerce, Dept. of Law, LLB;
Pennsylvania State University Dickinson Law School, LLM;
Advanced Research Program, New York University Law School
Careers:
General Manager, Chenchang Plastic Co.;
General Manager & President, Flywitch Co. (Taiwan & California);
Assistant to Legislator Ninghsiang Kang;
Executive Secretary, Yunlin County Committee, DPP;
Founder, Formosa Statehood Movement
Coordinator, The Task Force on Plebiscite Petition Signatures Collection for a Formosa Territory in the American Union (The Task Force)
Publications:
"Say Yes to America" (1998);
"American Dream" (to be published);
"The Education of David Chou" (to be published);
"Collections of Papers and Documents" (to be published)
9D The Formosa Statehood Movement and Its Founder
Any hurried admission to the temple of freedom would be unwise, any forced admission would be contradiction in terms, unthinkable, revolting. But a duty lay on the people of the United States to admit all qualified applicants freely. (This was Manifest Destiny in its pure form: peaceful, automatic, gradual, and governed by self-determination.)
— Frederik Merk: Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History
With no regrets, we're determined to build an American Universal State on the values of freedom, democracy, human rights, rule of law, clean government, market economy, open society, racial equality, social justice, and upward mobility. This is Manifest Destiny with a new and enlightened definition.
— David C. Chou, Founder of the Formosa Statehood Movement
Nearly a century and a half after Commodore Matthew C. Perry and his contemporaries' occupation and settlement plans for Taiwan, the standard of the Formosa Statehood Movement (FSM) was finally raised by David C. Chou, an American-educated Formosan.
David Chou and his comrades set up the 51st Club of Taiwan and started the FSM in 1994. The Club is believed to be the first indigenous civic group of its kind to promote the cause of Formosan statehood in the Union.
David Chou was born in Taiwan in 1949, the year Chiang Kai-shek occupied Taiwan and set up his government-in-exile on this island. He received his Bachelor of Law degree from the National Taipei University (formerly National Chunghsing University) and Master of Comparative Law degree from Dickinson Law School, Pennsylvania State University.
Mr. Chou was actively involved in the Taiwan Independence Movement in his late thirties. Later on, he found that most residents on Taiwan did not want to risk their lives declaring de jure independence, nor did they favor so-called "unification with China," placing their hard-won democracy, freedoms, and higher standard of living in jeopardy. He therefore came up with a new approach — integration into the American Union — as a Third Option.
Mr. Chou believes his plan will create maximum benefits for the Formosan people and Americans as well. For this same reason, he argues, his proposition will prove to be a popular, workable, pragmatic, peaceful — indeed ideal solution.
The Formosa Statehood Movement outright rejects any form of political association with China and urges that any independent nation-building project must give way to the statehood plan, or the Formosan people will find themselves, in the near future, facing very grave dangers in the wake of Communist China's meteoric rise to great-power status, fueled by a massive transfer of wealth from the United States and Western Europe via astronomical trade deficits that pump hundreds of billions of dollars a year into the treasury of Communist China, to be used for whatever purposes the Butchers of Beijing may choose.
The Formosa Statehood Movement offers a pragmatic "2-phase Taiwan-U.S. Integration Project" to the general public of Taiwan. In each stage, a set of necessary measures are to be taken to draw Taiwan closer to America in terms of values and systems.
Phase 1: Taiwan as a Territorial Commonwealth in the American Union
The Formosa Statehood Movement advocates that the U.S. Government and the people on Taiwan work together to make Taiwan a U.S. territory like Puerto Rico or the Northern Mariana Islands, making Taiwan a self-governing territory of the United States, through a plebiscite to be held at such time as the U.S. Government may deem appropriate.
Phase 2: Taiwan as a State of the United States
The Formosa Statehood Movement calls for full membership in the Union for Taiwan as the final and best solution to Taiwan's status problem.
The Formosan populace, we believe, will not be completely satisfied with the "Commonwealth" status for very long, because they will eventually appreciate that only with full membership in the Union can they enjoy full representation in the U.S. Congress, full vote for President, and political power commensurate with their economic strength.
Predicably, the future State of Formosa will rank top three in the American family in terms of the size of its population and economy. Taiwan as a State of the United States will have 2 senators and about 33 representatives to voice the will, aspirations, and needs of its residents. It's solid middle-class values of self-help, the need for education, and the overarching importance of family will resonate with the bulk of Americans and reinforce the best values of American civilization.
9E Cementing the Tie
Cementing the Tie
When most people first hear the suggestion that Taiwan should
become a State of the Union, their first thought is, "Won't that cause enormous problems with China?" By "China", they mean "Mainland" or "Communist" China. There's another way of thinking about this: that it will bring China and the United States closer, both literally and figuratively.
Geographically, Taiwan's accession to the Union would end the uncertainty about its future, not just in the minds of the people of Taiwan, but also in the mind of the government of China. China has a lot of problems. It doesn't need a Taiwan problem on top of all its other problems. The instant Taiwan becomes the 51st State, that instant does Taiwan become one less thing for Beijing to worry about or plan for. No invasion to have to prepare; no risk of an ill-considered attack blowing up into World War III. The government of mainland China can simply put that aside and look for the positives. And there will be plenty of positives to find.
Taiwan as part of the United States would become the commercial go-between that the United States needs to sell American goods, including Taiwan-made goods, on the Chinese mainland. Millions of Chinese-speaking Taiwanese are available from whom to recruit salesmen to speak to the ordinary Chinese citizen in his own language about the qualities that make U.S.-manufactured goods, or U.S. services, a good choice.
Taiwanese engineers and quality-control officers could make sure that such manufacturing operations as the U.S. conducts on the Chinese mainland meet strict U.S. standards for safety, and conformity with specs. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration would have a ready source of inspectors of pharmaceutical and food plants in China, as would the Consumer Product Safety Commission have inspectors in toy factories and the like. Such Taiwanese inspectors, fluent in Chinese, could converse with the man or woman on the production line to gather what could be crucial information to guarantee that no lead-based paint is used on toys for small children, no food or beverage is contaminated with melamine or watered down as to render its nutritional value below safety levels. (13 infants in China died from malnutrition from that cause.) [Link to include: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki2008_Chinese_ milk_scandal]
Most Americans of Chinese ancestry lose their family's language within two generations, and really aren't interested in learning it as a foreign language to serve in the U.S.-China trade and cultural and diplomatic relationships. Taiwanese either already have the language or are far more likely to be willing to learn another language (like Cantonese) to secure their future.
China stands as well to gain substantially from Taiwanese talent scouts, literary agents, and translators, including writers of subtitles and dubbers of voices, who could find worthy cultural materials on the mainland and make them accessible to Americans. At present, the trade in intellectual property is almost wholly one-way, FROM the United States TO mainland China (including Chinese piracy of U.S. films, music, and the like). Surely there must be things of cultural and intellectual value going on in China that the U.S. would like. Think of the enormous demand for entertainment and information posed by U.S. cable systems of hundreds of channels whose schedules are 90% or more just reruns of old syndicated American TV shows, some of them decades old.
Running 24 hours a day, a U.S. cable system of 180 channels (not even counting premium channels like HBO and Starz) use up 4,320 hours of programming a day. Multiply that by 365 days, and you see that a 180-channel system uses up 1,576,800 hours of programming every year! Consider as well that if half of that programming were in the form of half-hour shows, that means 788,400 of those hours would actually constitute 1,576,800 separate programs for that half, plus the other 788,400 hours of hour-long programs = 2,365,200 programs each and every year.
The U.S. television and film industry can't fill all that time, certainly not at the production costs that obtain in the United States. Might they be able to fill a lot more of it thru production centers in China? Surely so. And there are Chinese acrobats and New Wave rock groups and dancers and circus performers and variety shows, plus martial-arts movies and perhaps even Chinese soap operas that could be shown on some U.S. cable channels. Wouldn't the Chinese government welcome such production jobs (electricians, sound engineers, cameramen, caterers) in China-based American film and TV production facilities, and exports of China's own cultural productions to American audiences? I should think they would.
Certainly some extreme nationalists on the mainland would be furious at the idea of China's 'lost province' being permanently put beyond China's sovereign reach. The same people would be extremely uncomfortable with the United States becoming a greater player in East and Southeast Asia. How important are such people and such views in China's policymaking elite? Are the empire-builders who see China as the natural center of the universe — the Middle Kingdom around which all the rest of the world should revolve — mere throwbacks, few in number and scant in influence? Or are they in charge of Chinese policy?
Plainly there are people in China who don't want another "American Century". They want the 21st Century to be "the Chinese Century". But plainly those people do NOT presently control policy, because China is so heavily invested in the United States — news reports in March 2009 say that China holds $700 billion in U.S. Treasury bonds — and so deeply affected by U.S. difficulties, that the present U.S. downturn has caused severe dislocations within China, and even riots by workers of plants shut down because U.S. consumption of Chinese goods is down.
Realists in China know, and accept, that China cannot take care of its own people without a constructive relationship with the Unite States. Some of those realists now also must understand that "beggar thy neighbor" means disaster for China. Stealing all those millions of jobs from American workers did not produce permanent prosperity for China. It subverted the U.S. economy and contributed to the present near-catastrophe across the entire interrelated world of international trade — of which China is a huge part. When the U.S. hurts, China hurts. When the U.S. prospers, China prospers. Surely that understanding can be popularized across Chinese society — if we can reach Chinese society.
The issue then becomes, does it matter, in Communist China, what people in general think? Or are the people so powerless that only the views of the power elite matter?
That leads to the further issue of what influence can the United States have, at its present size or with Taiwan added, to promote the right of the people of China to be heard and their concerns heeded?
It is a truism of common sense that friends have more influence than have enemies. Criticisms from enemies produce indignant, defensive animus, and may make hostility more entrenched and aggressive, and drive a person, or country, in the opposite direction, to justify whatever is criticized, not accept it as a constructive suggestion of what they would be wise to do.
Criticisms from friends, gently issued with the intent of helping, however, may produce changes in the direction suggested. For instance, if someone you detest says, "You are fat and disgusting! You should hide in your house and never come out," you are not likely to see that as incentive to lose weight. But what if a dear friend says, "I'm very worried about you. Your weight has gotten out of control, and can subvert your health, even shorten your life. Why don't you come with me to my gym and see if a moderate exercise program can improve the quality of your life, increase your energy, and help you lose weight, feel better, and look better?"
The United States and China are now separated by the largest ocean in the world, geographically. There is also an ocean of difference in our histories and cultures. China is important to the U.S. The U.S. is important to China — and never more than now. Even in the days of horror during WWII, when the U.S. was trying to help China fight off Japan, but couldn't actually do very much within China, good feeling between our two countries didn't matter as much as it does now.
Taiwan can be not an irritant that drives the U.S. and China further apart, but an intermediary that brings us closer, latter-day Flying Tigers. It's all in how you see it, and how you present the case to the parties involved.
The hawks and empire-builders in Beijing have had their say. Now it's time to reach the Chinese man and woman in the street, the academics, the businessmen, the cultural and economic realists, the moderates who understand that the sun shines on each country independently, and you need not wish foul weather on others to enjoy the sun yourself. China need not resent the success of the United States, especially if they can piggyback their future on the prosperity of a great American friend.
The United States with Taiwan can make that case better than can the United States without Taiwan. So let's work enthusiastically and without reservations to bring Taiwan into the Union, for a bigger, better, and more effective United States, and a closer and more constructive relationship with China.
L. Craig Schoonmaker, Chairman of the Expansionist Party of the United States (http://www.ExpansionistParty.org); "The Expansionist" (http://antipost.blogspot.com)
9F A Great Cause and Mission
A Great Cause and Mission: A Plea to the Pro-Independence Formosan Americans and their Descendants
Can Taiwan become a state in the United States of America? Absolutely, yes! It is entirely up to the people of Taiwan and the U.S. We believe this endeavor for the statehood is most advantageous for all residents of Taiwan and Formosan Americans as well, regardless of their origin and race. We hope to prove to our fellow Formosan Americans here that the Formosan statehood plan is indeed a much more intelligent move than the Taiwanese nationhood plan.
1. The promotion of Taiwan's statehood in the Union enables Taiwan to directly influence U.S. policy including improving US-Taiwan relations. The beneficial effects on Taiwan can be almost immediate, as soon as a significant statehood movement is established. This is because logically the U.S. will support Taiwan more vigorously as a potential state, at least until the entire statehood process is played out. Even if the statehood is repeatedly rejected, the improved US-Taiwan relations developed in the interim will likely persist. On the other hand, the promotion of Taiwanese independence involves U.S. only indirectly by appealing to lofty ideals such as democratic values and principles.
2. The promotion of statehood appeals to U.S. self-interest by offering to share Taiwan's commercial and strategic advantages, whereas Taiwanese independence appeals to lofty ideals such as democratic principles, which do not benefit the U.S. that much. The shifting of the focus of U.S. political support over past decades, from the KMT regime (Chinese Nationalist Party) in Taiwan to the communist regime in China, is the result of shifting of the focus of U.S. self-interest. The main U.S. focus now is China's fertile trade potential for U.S. corporations. When financial considerations are of paramount importance, human rights and other related issues usually take a backseat. But Taiwan may attract even more U.S. attention and support by offering to become an integral part of U.S.
3. The interest in statehood advances Taiwan's Territorial security by seeking direct US-Taiwan security cooperation, whereas Taiwanese independence seeks U.S. security protection by appealing to lofty ideals, which might be offset by the U.S. interests in China. The greatest advantage of statehood over Taiwanese independence is the certainty of U.S. military protection of Taiwan. It is logical that the U.S. will provide very vigorous military support to Taiwan during the statehood process; for Taiwan's proven strategic importance; for the desperate need of military bases in the western Pacific region; for the obligation to maintain the security of Taiwan at all times until the statehood issue is settled: all for the self-interest of the U.S.
4. Pursuing statehood prevents Taiwan from becoming a pawn in US-China strategic trade-off. China has obviously been playing a game of strengthening her bargaining positions for strategic trade-off with U.S. for eventual elimination of U.S. military support to Taiwan, whether independent or not. "Did you say China should stop activities such as weapon sales and transfer of missile and nuclear technologies to terrorist-sponsoring countries like Iran and North Korea? Fine, then let the U.S. stop military support to Taiwan." Such trade-off will be far less likely when the strategic advantages of Taiwan and U.S. can become one and the same through the pursuit of statehood.
5. The pursuit of statehood enables Taiwan to avoid the increasing pressure to negotiate with China from an inferior position. This is so-called "peaceful unification." But Taiwan, independent or not, can only negotiate with China, not as a nation, but as something equivalent to a province of China only. The issue of statehood will obliterate Taiwan's need to negotiate with China at all, because this is an endeavor for US-statehood, not Chinese-statehood.
6. The statehood plan accomplishes far more by avoiding the taboo word "independence." The word has reached taboo status not only to Beijing and Washington, but also to the residents of Taiwan, who, although politically independence-minded, have reluctantly opted to maintain the status quo instead, just to avoid confronting the taboo word. For us, to repeat that taboo word can be counter-productive. Actually it is wise not to and there is no need at all. As far as China is concerned Taiwan, in any name, is already independent. The original intention of the promotion of Taiwanese independence is to unite the residents of Taiwan to topple the KMT alien regime. But it now moves to free Taiwan from China's annexation of the island and to stop the political agenda of the pro-unification PFP (People First Party)and KMT. The pursuit of can do the job effectively, if not far better, because it is essentially incompatible with China's domination over Taiwan and PFP-KMT coalition's drive for "unification."
7. The pursuit of statehood internationalizes the "Taiwan issue." China has always been attempting to isolate and marginalize Taiwan, whether independent or not, by claiming that this is an internal matter of China. And although Taiwan has been trying to break out of this stranglehold by attempting to join international organizations such as the United Nations, she has encountered increasing difficulties because of China's restless interference. The statehood plan will enable Taiwan to transcend China's veto power, to negotiate directly with the U.S., and to participate in international affairs through the United States.
8. The statehood plan enables Taiwan to dissociate completely from the Chinese civil war. China has been using "to finish off the civil war" as an excuse for her aggressive stance toward Taiwan. But most of the residents of Taiwan have nothing to do with that war. The persisting political problems for the residents of Taiwan are the direct results of the pro-China parties' claim that Taiwan is part of China. Although KMT regime was toppled, the sovereign nation of Taiwan, in whatever name, will always be seen by China as a "renegade province," ready to be attacked and restored. In other words, "one China, one Taiwan" will never be good enough for China. "One China, one US-Taiwan" may still be not good enough for China, but she may run out of "civil war" excuses against Taiwan, and may be forced to accept the new reality because of the presence of U.S. as an active player. While the process of Taiwan's US-statehood is still ongoing, attacking Taiwan means attacking the United States. Therefore, instead of promoting independence, it would be wiser for the innocent Taiwanese people to hasten affiliation with the U.S. to indicate her rejection of both parties to the Chinese civil war, and will have nothing to do with that war in the future.
9. The pursuit of statehood, as some previous polls showed, appeals to most residents of Taiwan, whatever their background, and whether they support Taiwan independence or not, simply because it is very attractive to be American citizens. Even pro-China or pro-independence leaders and activists hold US green cards or citizenship, and own real estate and have bank accounts in the United States, not mentioning whatever their offspring are doing here on a permanent basis. The ordinary residents of Taiwan can only dream about becoming American citizens and this becomes clear through the polling that took place.
10. The issue of statehood assures wider worldsupport. Most countries will likely support Taiwan's formal association with the United States, not only for democratic principles, but for their own self-interest. A strong and lasting U.S. military presence in East Asia has stabilizing effects due to the new balance of power in the region. On the other hand, an independent Taiwan will most likely be seen as only a temporary situation because the threat from China will always be there, not only to the independent Taiwan, but also to neighboring countries themselves. A China with military bases in Taiwan will be a devastating threat to all remaining nations there indeed.
11. The pursuit of statehood is the best gambit against China's military threat against Taiwan. No matter how long Taiwan has been independent, China has the option to wait until the most opportune moment to invade the diplomatically isolated Taiwan. And so the issue of statehood will hasten an US-China military showdown, if one occurs at all, because China's military options will then be limited to the period before Taiwan's jumping onto the trail of a US-Taiwan integration process. But for the foreseeable future, it is unlikely to see the US-China military showdown, because it is far more advantageous for Taiwan and the U.S. to go to war with China now when Taiwan's military defenses are still intact and U.S. still has the upper hand militarily, even in Asia. A brilliant strategic move against the Chinese expansionists indeed.
12. The promotion of statehood offers a new approach to this situation, whereas the promotion of Taiwanese independence is basically the same old strategy. Whatever the significance of President Bush's announcement about not supporting Taiwanese independence, it indicates some weakness in the old strategy of promoting Taiwanese independence as the political weapon against the China threat. It also indicates the danger of losing American support if Taiwanese independence is continuously promoted. This is indeed the time for a new strategy to provide a long-term security umbrella for Taiwan, to calm the residents of Taiwan, to help them snap out of the complacence of political status quo, to help Taiwan break away from increasing isolation, to take advantage of the new momentum for change, and to seize the new opportunity to move forward.
It is necessary to reiterate the important point that the benefits of promoting statehood for Taiwan are practically immediate and persisting, and they are not contingent on the successful outcome of becoming a state of the United States. In other words, the pursuit of statehood has the advantage over Taiwanese independence at whatever stages of its development. This is because the U.S. will provide Taiwan with special considerations as soon as the potential of the statehood is established. Therefore, we cannot use the uncertainty of the final outcome as an excuse for not promoting statehood.
If the statehood is such a great idea, why haven't we vigorously promoting it and, instead, waste our precious resources and energy in the Taiwan Independence Movement for the past half century? We believe the following may be the reasons:
(1) Our romantic desire for the "Republic of Taiwan." It is natural for people to desire to have their own nation, president, anthem, flag, and all that, rather than just becoming the 51st state, no matter how great the U.S. is. But be realistic and pragmatic. If Taiwan is militarily unable to defend herself on her own, it would be more intelligent for her to be part of a democratic, prosperous, and strong America now, than insisting on nationhood now and to be conquered and annexed later by the neighboring giant bully which is autocratic, repressive, chauvinistic, and economically backward. Let us make a wise choice now while we still have the freedom to choose.
2) Our unrealistic overconfidence in the effectiveness of Taiwanese independence against imperialist China. The promotion of Taiwanese nationhood was very effective in rallying popular support for the purpose of toppling the KMT alien regime. But the KMT was merely an antiquated and anachronistic political phenomenon in Taiwan. Given a proper initiative like nationhood, the residents of Taiwan could vote the KMT candidates out of positions of power, practically wholesale. But the expansionist China is an entirely different animal. Using only the promotion of Taiwanese nationhood against the threat of China's inroad is obviously inadequate. The once pro-Taipei Bush administration's several announcements disfavoring Taiwanese independence could serve as wake-up calls for all who have indulged in promoting Taiwanese nationhood exclusively.
(3) Our blindness to the grossly unfavorable position of an independent Taiwan. Like it or not, the new reality is that China is already a world power, at least regionally, and at least capable of bullying Taiwan seriously. China is also autocratic and expansionistic. It is totally unrealistic to believe that an independent Taiwan, even with US military support, will be allowed to coexist peacefully with Nazi China----the New Evil Empire----side by side.
(4) Our unwillingness to face the unpleasant reality that the Taiwanese nationhood is a noble but lost cause. True, the Formosan American communities do have a long history and tradition of supporting the cause of the Taiwanese independence. That's why we are unwilling to face the unpleasant reality that the U.S. government has kept stating it does not support the idea of an independent sovereign Taiwan. We keep ignoring the fact that the U.S. government dealt so many serious blows to the Taiwanese Independent Movement. We forget that President Chen Shui-bian at one time stated, "I can't make it. I can't make it. Even Lee Teng-hui can't make it, either. We have to stop fooling ourselves." Taiwanese independence is a lost cause already. We'd better face the cruel reality and change our course.
(5) Our reluctance to accept the fact that the Taiwanese population are in a totally different situation from ours. Taiwan is just about 150 miles away from China. The Taiwanese people are under the China threat. More than 700 missiles are targeting them. This is very serious business. Unlike us Formosan Americans, the Taiwanese people see that their lives, properties, and freedom are in danger. The truth is that most residents on Taiwan do not want to risk their lives in search of de jure independence. So, why do we Formosan Americans push the independence agenda so hard in disregard of their paramount concern, that is, avoiding a cross-strait war? If we Formosan Americans really care about the well-being of the Taiwanese people, we must look for a much safer and better option for them as an alternative. We mean, the Formosan Statehood Plan.
(6) Our rash judgment and hasty rejection of statehood as impractical or impossible for Taiwan. It is very easy for us to be overwhelmed by the potential difficulties and complexity involving the process of statehood, and to abandon it without serious consideration and adequate effort. The final outcome of statehood is, on the contrary, very much up to us.
(7) Our lack of awareness that such a viable option as the statehood actually exists. We believe this is by far the most important reason why we haven't considered the statehood as an effective strategy for advancing the security of Taiwan and the well-being of her residents. We may have been so busy promoting Taiwanese independence that we failed to use statehood as a far better strategy.
We have not been able to see the forest for the trees, so to speak. But now we can confront this awareness problem head-on by vigorously publicizing statehood.What can we Formosan Americans do to help the cause of statehood? Plenty! We can exercise our civil rights by fully expressing our political perspectives and aspirations and promote them. Like participating in voting, such expression of political views is not only a privilege, but also a duty of a responsible citizen. The democratic process cannot flourish without our active participation.
And since the statehood agenda is entirely up to the people of Taiwan and the United States, we should express our views not only in America as U.S. citizens of Formosan origin, but also in Taiwan. To promote the pursuit of U.S.-statehood for Taiwan, we can write or talk to anyone in the world as we see fit, in informal as well as formal settings. We would urge our fellow Formosan Americans to do everything we can.Certainly, any one of us, to promote the cause of statehood, can send letters/emails to the President of the United States, Congressional leaders, the Senator and Congressman in our constituency, Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense, National Security Adviser to the President, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. Pacific Command, Commander of the U.S. Seventh Fleet, and Chairperson of the American Institute in Taiwan, etc.
We, may write or talk to our community leaders, publishers and editors of our local media, school teachers, church leaders, librarians of our local library, leading figures of civic groups in our home town or city. We, of course, may from time to time write open letters to the national mainstream newspapers of our choice and ask them to publish.We would urge our fellow Formosan Americans to set up a "U.S.-Taiwan Integration Society," an "Annexation Club," or an "Action Committee for the Formosan Statehood in the Union" on the city/township, county, state, or even national level.
And, we hope someday these grassroots civic groups can help organize and finance petition, lobbying, and other activities in the States.We would also urge our fellow Formosan Americans to make donations or financial contributions to the Taiwan-based or U.S.-based civic groups devoted to the cause of statehood and to the political figures championing specifically U.S.-statehood for Taiwan.Since the statehood issue is entirely up to the people of Taiwan and the U.S., we should express our views not only in America as U.S. citizens, but also in Taiwan because it is our country of origin, and so we are entitled to special concern about its destiny. To promote statehood for Taiwan, we can write or talk to anyone in the world as we see fit, in informal as well as formal settings.
We would urge our fellow Formosan Americans to raise the issue and do everything we can. For instance, we may ask the candidates for any offices to give their endorsements to the cause of the Formosan statehood.Certainly, any one of us, if qualified, can also directly participate in the political advancement of the cause by becoming a candidate for political offices, in America or in Taiwan. Any Formosan American willing to become Taiwanese again for the purpose of direct participation in the political activities there for such a cause is admirable.
But we are sure that most of us will leave this "dirty business of politics" to those true diehards who can stand the ugly side of it.Should we involve our children and their peers? Most definitely. Some of them are already in their 30s or 40s, and they are more capable than the first-generation Formosan Americans in most aspects as productive citizens. As Formosan Americans, they should be expected to be interested in matters concerning Taiwan, Formosans, and Formosan Americans. But our experiences so far are not very encouraging. Most of them we have encountered believe that community matters of Formosan Americans are entirely the responsibility of us in the first generation, and they would just use "too busy" as an excuse to avoid any participation at all.Should we blame our American-born or Taiwanese-born offspring for their indifference and inertia concerning our community matters?
Probably not. If anything, we should blame ourselves first. We believe that most of us since their childhood have given them the idea that they should concentrate on their studies, career, marriage, and everything else for personal gain. We have indicated to them implicitly as well as explicitly that Taiwanese and Formosan-American community affairs should be the least of their concern.In addition, since the age when they were able to read, write, and voice their own opinions, they have been almost completely excluded from our community meetings and community newspapers, and so depriving them of the opportunities to be influenced by us indirectly through our interaction with them in community settings. Most people in the world, from the most primitive to the most civilized, interact with their offspring in community settings on a daily basis, as a matter of course.This almost total dislocation of our two generations has happened in America, not Taiwan, and so we alone are to be blamed.
How can we blame the KMT alien regime for our children's woeful ignorance of Taiwan's history, culture, politics, and security concerns? How can we expect them to attend our community gatherings and read our community newspapers when we are still using language unintelligible to them? How can we suddenly expect them now to be eager to get involved in the U.S.-statehood for Taiwan?Fortunately, we hope we still have some moral influence over them. After all, we have paid for their tuition, even up to graduate schools. Shouldn't we expect something in return? Not money. This is because our monthly social security income will be more than adequate at our ripe old age, without the danger of starvation, so we don't expect our children's financial assistance to us at all, do we?
If not, then we are perfectly justified to expect them to pitch in their time and effort for this great cause of the US-statehood for Taiwan, as a repayment to us and the people of Taiwan, who have subsidized our own tuition in the first place. By the way, we must help them realize that they are exactly the ones who will be benefiting most once the cause of the Formosan statehood gets accomplished. With Taiwan's joining with the Union, the American-educated second-generation Americans of Formosan origin will certainly get their best chance to become the ruling elite in both the Continental America and in the State of Formosa, Just to remind our fellow Formosan Americans,
Taiwan will rank top three in the American family in terms of economic power and population. And, this strength will be transformed into the political power and social status of our American-educated second-generation Formosan Americans.What we are trying to say is: The active involvement of the second-generation Formosan Americans in fighting for the cause of the Formosan statehood best serves their own interests, not the interests of anybody else. Therefore, we reason, self-interest can be a driving force for our offspring to make their commitments to the great cause.Our offspring are entirely capable of doing anything and everything for the cause, at least in America. The only thing they need now is a little discipline about the willingness to do for the community which we forgot to enforce on them before. Our suggestion to our fellow Formosan Americans now is to send a copy of this essay to them as a way to broach the issue or subject. But please make sure to follow up with checking for their real actions.
We would stress the word "follow-up" because, without it, we might as well forget the whole thing. After our decades of neglect, they would most definitely need our frequent reminding now to get anything concerning community matters done. They will do it only if you really mean business. Too busy? All of us always have enough time for important matters. No exceptions.Another suggestion to our fellow Formosan Americans is to to enclose some form letters, which are readily available on a couple of websites devoted to the cause. This is not only the simplest thing they can do now, but also the most effective "warm-up" exercise for their involvement in our community matters.
The messages in those form letters may be routine to us, but they could be eye-openers for our children who have not been exposed to our community affairs for a long, long time. And this is the best way for us to start to rein in our influence over our children again, because what we expect of them is action, no matter how insignificant the action seems to be at first.And we should always take these form letters seriously. Just like votes, you and I have only one vote each, and two votes don't mean much. But votes can be added up to be a formidable force if we can add them up to hundreds of thousands. Ditto for those form letters.
The President may likely read, if at all, at the most only one or two of those form letters we have sent to him. But if what we have sent turns out to be hundreds of thousands when his assistants tally them up, the President will for sure take notice of our messages and appeals. If we need to send out hundreds of thousands of these letters to make a big impact on him, then every one of us should send one, considering the puny size of our ethnic community. Can we afford not to ask every one of our second generation to do likewise?We, of course, also hope our children can offer their articles, treatises, essays, or letters to the media of all forms, national or local, to help promote the cause.Yes, it's also not too early to speak to our grandchildren now, if we are fortunate to have them already, about the US-statehood for Taiwan. Even a child can understand that it is truly a blessing to be an American citizen.
Just simply tell them that we are helping all the relatives and friends left behind in Taiwan, including every little cousin there, to become Americans, even if they choose to stay in Taiwan forever. We are sure our grandchildren will be eager to write and speak for the cause when they grow up. They will also be eager to champion for the cause one day when they become powerful political figures themselves.It's not too early because the statehood may take a couple of decades or even half a century. It's not too early because it takes time to change and we cannot expect our own children to be able to instill in their children properly these community matters, can we?
It's not too early because it takes time for ourselves to realize that our own lack of concern about community affairs is the real source of our children's indifferent attitude in the first place. Investing our time and effort on our grandchildren now is a necessary way to make up for our missed opportunity of indoctrinating our children during their childhood on the importance of serving our own community.We believe that the attractive features of the pursuit of U.S.-statehood to most residents on Taiwan and the benefits to the Formosan Americans are almost self-evident. There is no need for further iscussions. All we have to do now is to follow our conscience and make our commitments and contributions to the great cause!
9G An Ardent Appeal
An Ardent Appeal to Uncle Sam, American Citizens of All Ethnic Groups, Formosan Americans, Chinese Americans, and Formosan Emigrants All Over the World
I. The Formosan Statehood Best Serves the Interests of the United States
1. As the victor in the Pacific War, the United States liberated all the islands ruled or occupied by the Japanese, including Formosa (Taiwan) and the Pescadores (the Penghu Islands).
2. Under the San Francisco Peace Treaty (SFPT) of 1952, Taiwan was ceded in limbo by Japan, presumptively and logically leaving America as the guardian of the Formosan sovereignty. Taiwan has been put under the regime of American quasi-trusteeship ever since as the United States was designated as ''the principal occupying power''.
3. Under the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) of 1979, a public law of the U.S., America has kept playing the role of protector of Taiwan. Taiwan has been the security, strategic, economic, and political interests of the U.S. since the Korean War.
4. With its legal status still undecided, Taiwan should be allowed to hold a plebiscite or plebiscites when the United States deems appropriate.
The people on Taiwan is entitled to giving its sovereignty to the United States and establishing a self-rule commonwealth, following the example of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands.
5. The Formosan statehood will complete the final phase of the "American Pacific Empire" envisioned by Commodore Matthew C. Perry and Ambassador Townsend Harris of the 19th century.
6. The Formosa Statehood Movement (FSM) proposes "The Two-Phase Taiwan-U.S. Integration Project," by which Taiwan will be integrated into America peacefully and perfectly and then make Taiwan suitable and qualified for applying for admission into the Union as a full member.
7. The Formosan statehood will secure and advance the security, strategic, political, and economic interests of the United States.
8. The Formosan statehood will turn Taiwan into an ideal forward base for spreading the American values and culture in the Asia-Pacific.
9. With the status of Taiwan settled and secured in the hand of America, the potential conflict between the U.S. and China will be eased and avoided eventually, and thus enhance peace, stability, and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific Region.
10. Taiwan, as a permanent base for the United States, will secure the military and political presence of the U.S. in the Asia-Pacific. Japan, China, India, and all countries of the Asia-Pacific will thus enjoy stable economic development and have a superpower America as the protector and power balance in the region.
11. The admission and addition of Taiwan as a state full of hard-working, educated, creative, intelligent, and law-abiding citizens is definitely a valuable asset to the United States.
A sizable economy, an army of restless and creative entrepreneurs and management class, an army of hard-working labor force, huge investment all over the world, and abundant capital will benefit the U.S. economically.
As Taiwan joins the Union, the United States, assuring the security of the island, can easily help make Taiwan a commercial, financial, and industrial hub of the Asia-Pacific region. That in turn will make Taiwan a much more valuable asset of the United States.
12. As Taiwan becomes part of the Union, the abundant oil and gas reserves in the East China Sea, the Taiwan Strait, the South China Sea (known as the Second Gulf Area) can be explored and shared by the United States.
13. When Taiwan becomes part of the Union, the immense pool of Formosan talents will make a huge contribution to the United States because some ethnic groups of Taiwan have established valuable business and other connections with the Japanese, peoples in the Southeast Asia, and the Chinese in China proper and overseas.
II. The Formosan Statehood Best Serves the Interests of Formosan Americans, Chinese Americans, and American Citizens of All Ethnic Groups
1. During the U.S.-Taiwan Integration Period, Taiwan will create and offer a lot of job opportunities, for instance, English teaching, for American citizens of all ethnic groups, including Americans of Formosan heritage or of Chinese ancestry.
2. As Taiwan becomes part of the Union, lots of Formosans/Chinese would seek habitual residence (not "permanent residence" under the definition of the Immigration and Naturalization Act) in the Continental America, enlarging the size of Formosan/Chinese population in some states or areas, and thus helping ethnic Formosan/Chinese groups gain more seats in the U.S. Congress, state assemblies, and town/city councils. Overall, ethnic Formosan/Chinese will wield much more political, economic, financial, and social power and influence throughout the United States.
3. Once Taiwan becomes part of the United States, the relations between the U.S. and China will become less and less intense over the years, thus help secure Chinese Americans as a constructive force in American societies. On the contrary, if China grows to be a hostile and menacing power in Asia, Chinese Americans might become "the public enemy" to the suspicious American general public and fall victims to the American patriotism.
4. Once Taiwan becomes part of the U.S., Formosan/Chinese Americans will gain much better chance to build up their support base in Taiwan because they command much better English language, have better comprehension of the U.S., and establish much better connections with the Continental American societies.
5. The Formosa Statehood Movement wishes to help Formosan emigrants all over the world realize that they will gain much more benefits and obtain much more protection from the United States if Taiwan becomes part of the American Union.
9H Why Taiwan?
To: Taiwanese-Americans, Taiwanese, Chinese, the literate world, and most directly; the American people,
Politics are impersonal. Therefore, I have decided to write an epistle directly to the people regarding the current status of Taiwan. I do warn readers that this may be appear brusque, but please note that being offended at the truth is denial of it.
1. The Situation:
Taiwan has been stuck in a sort of limbo for decades and one decade is too long. It waits in the midst of a status quo that is better described as a form of national stasis. In this story there are three players: the United States, China and Taiwan. It should be clear that two of the three entities listed have no right to determine the existence of the third; Taiwan, yet the political tug-o-war persists. As will be discussed, the island has become the personification of the histories of the United States and China, histories that those countries should not wish to repeat.
2. The Experiential History of the United States
The United States views Taiwan in the light that is uniquely American, in which life and freedom are highly valued but over which the thundercloud of the American Civil War looms. Immediately after the election of Abraham Lincoln, the majority of southern American states seceded from the Union to form a nation called the Confederate States of America (CSA). Although the CSA had elected a president and began printing its own money, the entity was never recognized by the world to any significant degree as an independent nation-state. This was unimportant, however, due to the events that followed secession which were: war, the annihilation of the infrastructure, an end to the de facto Independence of the CSA, complete emancipation of slaves, restoration of the Union, and a damaged sense of national pride. This experience was one of the most important events in the history of the world, considering its implications and with this being the closest parallel the U.S. can show experience, what parallels we draw here are flawed for a number of reasons. For the sake of brevity, we will simply point out that the CSA was in all senses a region of an existing country and had attempted independence with the notion that the cornerstone of the Confederacy was inequality* while Taiwan, an outlying island, does not reflect similar enough circumstances for that level of comparison.
3. The Experiential History of China and The Current Position
What the world knows now as China has a divided history of kingdoms usurping kingdoms and territorial capriciousness. Tibet, Hong Kong, Western and Southern China are some of the hot buttons that trigger aggressive rhetoric and defensiveness. This alludes to the fact that China as a state was never actually in control of Taiwan. The Qing Dynasty had once claimed the honor but was unable to literally control the island, with no capacity to administer to the island. The Qing Empire even received complaints regarding aggression by some of the island's population against foreign powers. During a war with Japan, to avoid invasion of the mainland, the Qing Dynasty gave Taiwan to Japan. World War II struck and Japan attacked the United States, drawing America openly into the war. Upon surrender, Japan was instructed to have all troops in Taiwan surrender to the Republic of China, however a civil war in China forced the Kuomintang (KMT, nationalist party, representing the Republic of China) onto the island of Taiwan, leaving the victorious Communist party (represented by the People's Republic of China) in control of the mainland. Due to the civil war in progress, Japan did not mention who Taiwan's sovereignty was surrendered to but stipulated that the United States was the primary occupying power in Taiwan, legally and formally, a territory belonging to Japan. China's grasp on this situation is that Japan's aggression was wrongful against the Qing Empire and that the Qing Empire WAS China. The Chinese Civil War was still in its throes then and never truly ended. The democratic island of Taiwan remains de facto independent and the communist mainland of China enjoys world recognition as a de jure nation, in which Taiwan is a "rouge province" that must be reinstituted with their "One China Policy" and “any means of force necessary”**. Today, the world has tersely turned its back on Taiwan, switching its recognition of “China” from the ROC to the PRC, without even allowing for the recognition of both. And what's worse is that China possesses nuclear arms which makes “any means of force necessary” ring all the louder in one's ear. The tens of millions of people on Taiwan find themselves at the end of the Chinese fission gun and behind it lurks the gloom of the history of draconian communist rule.
4. The Wills and The Ways
The fear of one major power (PRC) is abated by the protection of a super power (USA), as provided by the Taiwan Relations Act which is a public law in the United States. The extent of this law is not merely arms sales but the protection of the island as if it were a state in the Union. While maintaining a threatening stance toward Taiwan, China adheres to a "one China" policy and aggressive expansionism into nations that may or may not want their rule based on loose historic ties. The will of China to be in direct control of Taiwan is the end to which the way of threatening war is the means. This stance is purely ethno-ego driven with no legitimate ties to Taiwan. The will of the United States is to keep the status quo until something can be worked out in compromise, even if it means that the Taiwanese people find themselves "wrongfully imprisoned" in a limbo between their aspirations and Communist China's, which are principally different and incompatible; this is the unending end of open conflict that the U.S. hopes will eventually spawn a solution. The means of this is the law. Both China and the United States vow to keep to their guns, literally and figuratively, to the use of force if necessary. It's evident that the will of the United States and the will of China are mutually exclusive and doomed to erode to nil. The final conclusion would inevitably be that China exercises military force to take Taiwan and the United States exercises military force to defend it. Either way, Taiwan loses; and quite possibly the rest of the world as well.
5. My Opinion
It's clear to me that the One China policy is evidence that the civil war is still going if even only in propaganda. If there is one China, there are certainly two powers claiming it. There is an inevitable war brewing, whether intentionally or otherwise, that puts Taiwan in the cross fire. The island in contest is, ironically, being ignored. The people of Taiwan, as well as the rest of the world, have the right of self-determination. An empire clamoring for more and more, resources and land, infringes on the civil rights of a people who were never a party to Communist China to begin with. It has been the way of the United States throughout history to protect freedom and preserve democracy in all lands (for better or for worse). Even if that freedom is to choose not to be free. Clearly, here, Taiwan's will is to be free but in doing so, the United States would no longer be legally obligated to defend the island. This gap would quickly be taken advantage of by China and a very bloody but brief encounter would be marked in the pages of history as "The Short Lived History of the Independent Nation of Taiwan". The state of Texas was looking down the barrel of the reinvigorated Mexican army as its border disputes remained front-and-center when it was finally accepted as a state in the Union. After acceptance, Mexico attacked a U.S. patrol sparking off the war, as it had intended to eventually retake the “rouge territory” of the Republic of Texas, and the United States rose up and crushed the Mexican army in what is known as the Mexican American war. Taiwan is now at the verge of war and inching closer by the day. Blood could be shed but a more peaceful and wise solution is available: statehood in the United States.
If the protection of the United States has thus far defended Taiwan from invasion and helped bolster the economy, imagine the mutual benefits of Taiwan joining the Union. Here are some arguments that you may have along with the most evident responses:
A1. It's too far away.
A2. They don't speak English.
A3. They're Chinese, not American.
R1. Guam happens to be in the same longitude as the northern island of Japan! Our friends from Guam have little trouble coming here and us Americans in the contiguous 48 states do not have trouble going to Guam, or Hawaii, or Alaska, or Asian countries. In fact, those of us who make frequent trips to Asia would find that Taiwan as a state would provide a much deeper discount on airline prices and a beautiful stop for vacation or layover.
R2. Originally, the people who settled in Louisiana did not speak English, they spoke French. This is still reflected in the state today which does not have counties; it has parishes. Many of the city names are French, and a completely original dialect is centered there. Many of our Hispanic friends and neighbors were raised speaking Spanish and many immigrants who came to the United States did not speak English. It is likely that your ancestors did not speak a word of English before arriving in the United States. One should also note that when children are born, they certain do not speak English. It is true that English is the international language and with this in mind people should not feel as though they will lose English in the United States. If anything, English will blossom in Taiwan for a better economy and social ties.
R3. Sure, they may be part Chinese and there's nothing wrong with that. Many of our friends may be Chinese or part Chinese. This effort at separating “us” from “them” is moot when remembering where our forefathers came from; mostly from all over Europe, many from Africa, some from Asia. But by far these three overshadow the native population. And the native population are the only ones who can really say “us” and “them”. Ethnicity is irrelevant in today's world, it is culture that makes one American or Chinese or European or African or otherwise.
The implications and the factual concrete outcomes of Taiwanese statehood are numerous and overwhelmingly beneficial. The United States is just that, a Union of States. The term state meaning: an independent governmental entity. However, we are all unified under a federal constitution and a national government. The term national meaning: an independent society of people. The American nation is a union of nations; of Ohioans, Californians, New Yorkers, Texans and why not Formosans (Formosa being another name for Taiwan)?
6. Why Taiwan?
The answers to “why?” are numerous and many of the answers are dire in their urgency. First, one should understand the financial implications. Initially the most obvious benefit is a boost in tax revenue by 23 million people. For the Taiwanese, there's a 350 million person tax increase. How would you like to get more back in your tax return and see better social programs? Better schools? Better hospitals? Of course, this would also mean that there are more people taking funds from these services but consider that Taiwan's GDP of roughly $450 billion and a healthy growth rate shows that the island has entrepreneurial strengths like that of the United States and would be ranked the 9th largest in Gross State Product (just below #8 Ohio and just above #10 Virginia). The less obvious benefits may not be as quickly perceived as the great financial and investment opportunities but are just as important, if not more.
Taiwan is suffering from a bully across the strait; China. China consistently threatens the island and even has more than 700 ballistic missiles targeting the island. Why has China not attacked yet to “retake” the island? I mentioned before that the Taiwan Relations Act, a public law here, provides that we must protect Taiwan in the event of war. China is not willing to jump into that ring so it is content with threatening until either the U.S. releases itself from the duty to protect Taiwan or until, essentially, no one is looking. If Taiwan were a state, China would be faced with a dilemma: retract all of the false claims it has to Taiwan and move on, or be trounced by a U.S. war machine. Any true peace loving society would certainly allow Taiwan to make its own choice rather than fight and lose to have its own choice overshadowed by the will of others. No man goes to his neighbor and says “You and I are similar and share a distant great uncle. Therefore I claim you and your house and you must now live under my rules”. That notion alone is ridiculous, but when you consider the atrocious lack of human rights in mainland China, it becomes clear that Taiwan is on the same moral footing as the United States regarding individual freedom. Back to the bully; if the U.S. were to have a military base or two in the new state of Taiwan, not only would China be inclined to tone down its posturing and bullying but the rest of the Asia-Pacific community as well. The bases currently in Asian nations could be consolidated and tensions in those host nations eased. These are the implications of peace. The United States has been, for decades, a symbol of justice and what many consider the “world police”. In defending Taiwan, the United States is defending the rest of Asia. No other nation in modern times can claim and maintain the responsibility of keeping peace in lands that are in other hemispheres. And in modern times, this has become increasingly more difficult just because of that distance. Here, the distance can be negated with the help of Taiwan, a partner in peace. Some would say “It would be imperialistic for the United States to exist in two hemispheres”, and again we look to Guam, which is in the eastern hemisphere. It would be prudent to also point to Alaska, which includes the Aleutian Islands which extend out and nearly touch Russia. It's not a matter of imperialism when both sides consent it becomes a matter of peaceful partnership. This is the only real way to provide for China leaving the besieged and internationally abandoned Taiwanese people alone.
7. In Conclusion
To conclude, let us recall the inscription on a statue that was given to the U.S. by a foreign people which has now become one of many symbols that the United States stands for:
The New Colossus
Not like the brazen giant of Greek fame, with conquering limbs astride from land to land; Here at our sea-washed, sunset gates shall stand a mighty woman with a torch, whose flame is the imprisoned lightning, and her name Mother of Exiles. From her beacon-hand Glows world-wide welcome; her mild eyes command The air-bridged harbor that twin cities frame, "Keep, ancient lands, your storied pomp!" cries she with silent lips. "Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore, Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me, I lift my lamp beside the golden door!" - Emma Lazarus
The people of Taiwan find themselves in a situation in which they can turn and walk toward the gallows erected to execute and eliminate their freedom, or they can turn and approach the “golden door”. Where they stand now is the road to freedom and independence, but it's just a road, on which there are two destinations. The United States turned its back on oppression, and in many other forms throughout its history as well the peaceful and civilized world has done the same. What we must do now is show the Formosan people that there is another way and to allow them their right to choose liberty.
By Christopher Jewells
* CSA Vice President Alexander Stephens' “Corner Stone” speech.
** Paraphrased from China's Anti-Secession Law
9I For more information on the Facebook page of the Formosa Statehood Movement, please use the following link:
https://www.facebook.com/The-Formosa-Statehood-Movement-486092558141250/
* CSA Vice President Alexander Stephens' “Corner Stone” speech.** Paraphrased from China's Anti-Secession La
9J PROJECT FORM-USA: AN OUTLINE OF THE UNOFFICIAL PLAN ON U.S.-TAIWAN INTEGRATION: PHASE ONE
PRESENTED BY
DAVID C. CHOU
FOUNDER, THE FORMOSA STATEHOOD MOVEMENT
PUBLISHED, FEB. 22, 2007
AS REVISED, FEBRUARY 22, 2011
For a variety of reasons, the people of Taiwan long ago became, in a sense, wards of the United States. Their complex history and aspirations, their security,-------- became a part of the U.S. foreign policy. And although popular Taiwan wishes get refracted through the priorities of officials and politicians, at the end of the day it is to the people of the island that the United States bears a responsibility.
-------Richard C. Bush, "Untying the Knots"
To the poet Walt Whitman,-------- it was for the interest of mankind that the power and influence of the United States should be extended ---------'the farther the better."
-------Hugh Brogan, "The Penguin History of the USA"
Any hurried admission to the temple of freedom would be unwise; any forced admission would be a contradiction in terms, unthinkable, revolting. But a duty lay on the people of the United States to admit all qualified applicants freely (This was Manifest Destiny in its pure form: peaceful, automatic, gradual, and governed by self-determination).
------Frederik Merk: "Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History"
This is, let me make clear, an argument for the importance of Anglo-Protestant culture, not for the importance of Anglo-Protestant people. I believe one of the greatest achievements, perhaps the greatest achievement, of America is the extent to which it has eliminated the racial and ethnic components that historically were central to its identity and has become a multiethnic, multiracial society in which individuals are to be judged on their merits. That has happened, I believe, because of the commitment successive generations of Americans have had to the Anglo-Protestant culture and the Creed of the founding settlers. If that commitment is sustained, America will be America long after the WASPish descendants of its founders have become a small and uninfluential minority. That is the America I know and love. It is also, as the evidence in these pages demonstrates, the America most Americans love and want.
------Samuel P. Huntington: "Who Are We? The Challenge to America's National Identity"
Amongst the motives ------, the assimilation of the principles, opinions and manners of our Countrymen, ------ well deserves attention. The more homogeneous our Citizens can be made in these particulars, the greater will be our prospect of permanent Union.
------President George Washington's Eighth Annual Message to Congress, December 7, 1796
I. Introduction
Envisioning Formosa (Taiwan) "as an American outpost guaranteeing peace and order along the western Pacific rim," Commodore Matthew C. Perry in 1853-1854 proposed to annex Formosa. Before his death, Commodore Perry hoped there would be "a well-established American community in Formosa" in the future, which would "in due course petition for union with the United States as the Americans in Hawaii were then proposing to do."
Gideon Nye, Jr., Townsend Harris, Peter Parker, and Issac J. Allen, Commodore Perry's contemporaries, also laid their far-sighted plans to occupy Formosa and establish settlements on the island.
In 1945, the Empire of Japan was defeated and Taiwan was liberated by the United States.
Sovereignty over Taiwan and the Pescadores, under the San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1952, was surrendered by Japan without any lawful recipient or beneficiary. From then on, Taiwan, together with the Pescadores, has been legally and practically subjected to the "political trusteeship" of the United States, explicitly or implicitly delegating its administrative power to the Chinese Nationalist government-in-exile as a convenient and pragmatic political measure and solution.
The "political trusteeship" over Taiwan by the United States is very unique, indeed. First, it does not fall under the UN trusteeship system. Second, the United States delegated its administrative power to the Chinese Nationalist government-in-exile and its successors and retained Taiwan as its protectorate. Third, final-status political and legal settlements are not on the horizon because of China's intervention, KMT's "unification agenda," and DPP's move to independence.
The fact that Taiwan was liberated by the United States, not China, was recognized by the government of the United States itself. During the Warsaw talks between the United States and China in the 1950s, for instance, American Ambassador Jacob D. Beam was instructed by Christian A. Herter to make clear to his Chinese counterpart that Taiwan had been liberated by the United States and that the United States' involvement with Taiwan had nothing to do with "China's sovereignty and territorial integrity."
This American position was expounded by John Tkacit and Arthur Waldron in a very clear and correct way. "But here is the bottom line, " said Tkacit and Waldron in the Asian Wall Street Journal on September 19, 2002.
"As U.S. President Reagan put it in his six assurances to Taiwan in 1982 and as has been reaffirmed by every subsequent administration, the United States 'takes no position on the sovereignty of Taiwan.' The status of Taiwan under international law, as the U.S. State Department lawyers put it, 'remains to be determined.' Nothing the United States said to China has changed that. Thus, Washington has behaved very responsibly, as custodian of the ultimate rights of the people of Taiwan, the formerly Japanese-controlled island surrendered to the United States at the end of the Second World War, and never transferred by America to anyone else."
The United States did not transfer Taiwan and the Pescadores to China because Taiwan was important to "the security, strategic, political, and economic interests of the United States," as President Clinton said of it in Tokyo in 1996.
General Douglas MacArthur presented his "Memorandum on Formosa" on June 14, 1950, a few days prior to the outbreak of the Korean War. He said:
"The front line of the Far East Command as well as the western strategic frontier of the United States rests today on the littoral islands extending from the Aleutians through the Philippine Archipelago. Geographically and strategically Formosa is an integral part of this offshore position which in the event of hostilities can exercise a decisive degree of control of military operations along the periphery of Eastern Asia."
This statement remains true today because China is now posing a grave challenge to the dominant power and military presence of the United States in the Taiwan Straits, East Asia, and the Western Pacific.
General MacArthur suggested in his memo that Formosa be denied to the Chinese. He also had the wisdom and courage to point out, "Although Formosa was promised to China as a consequence of World War II this promise was given in consonance with a political situation entirely different than that which now exists."
As to the Cairo Press Release on December 1, 1943 (or so-called Cairo Declaration), the Potsdam Proclamation of July 26, 1945, and the three Sino-American Communiques, upon which Beijing claimed that Taiwan was part of China, we must point out that they were all intergovernmental political statements that had no legally binding force. That means that these documents had no legal power or authority to deal with the legal status of Taiwan and the Pescadores under international law.
With wisdom, General MacArthur suggested:
"There is every basis from a moral standpoint to offer to the Taiwanese an opportunity to develop their own political future in an atmosphere unfettered by the dictates of a Communist police state."
"There can be no doubt but that the eventual fate of Formosa largely rests with the United States," General MacArthur reminded us. The Formosa Statehood Movement (FSM) agrees with him.
FSM was initiated by David C. Chou and his political allies in 1994. The Movement introduced the "Formosa Statehood Plan," calling for the political association of Taiwan with the United States as an option in a future plebiscite, through a long process of U.S.-Taiwan integration.
We are convinced that this is the most pragmatic and, indeed, the most ideal approach because the Formosan statehood in the American Union would best serve the interests of the United States and of the people on Taiwan.
II. The Philosophical and Legal Bases for the Formosa Statehood Plan
It's worth pointing out that "the laws of nature" pronounced in the Declaration of Independence can be adopted as the philosophical base, by which the Formosa Statehood Plan can be justified. By this, we mean the people on Taiwan have "the inalienable right" to joining the family of the United States in order to "pursue happiness."
Article IV, Section 3 of the U.S. Constitution states that "New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union." Obviously, Taiwan, with its international legal status still undetermined and its sovereignty still in the political custody of the United States, has the right to apply for commonwealth status within the framework of the American Union, as the Northern Mariana Islands did in the 1970s, and eventually apply for statehood.
According to the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979, Public Law 96-8, "it is the policy of the United States to make clear that ------- the future of Taiwan will be determined by peaceful means." Though the language of the Act throws no light on the expression "peaceful means," it is safe to say that the term implies that the future of Taiwan must be decided with the consent of the people of Taiwan.
Indeed, Senators Frank F. Church and John H. Glenn, during the Congressional hearings and debates at the time, stated that the United States should "ensure the freedom of the people of Taiwan to choose their own destiny."
The U.S. government has repeatedly stated that it is the policy of the United States that the future of Taiwan should be resolved with the consent of the people of Taiwan. The Senate, for instance, passed a resolution on February 28, 1983, which reads, "it is the sense of the Senate that Taiwan's future should be settled ------- in a manner acceptable to the people on Taiwan." On February 24, 2000, when China threatened to use forces against Taiwan, President Bill Clinton said before the Business Council that the United States "will continue to make absolutely clear that the issues between Beijing and Taiwan must be resolved peacefully and with the assent of the people of Taiwan."
The language of "the U.S. interest in the preservation and enhancement of the human rights of all the people on Taiwan" in the Taiwan Relations Act arguably offers a basis on which the U.S. can openly support Taiwanese self-determination. The administrative branch of the U.S. government, nevertheless, has not gone so far as to explicitly give the green light to the Taiwanese people to hold a plebiscite.
Logically, "the assent of the people of Taiwan" would be best manifested by a plebiscite or plebiscites, which is/are to be held by the United States for the people on Taiwan at politically opportune times. And, again, it can logically be assumed that "Taiwan as a U.S. territory/possession" or "Taiwan as a State of the United States" can be introduced as an option in the plebiscite(s).
On September 6, 2001, H. Con. Res. 221, "Resolution Calls for Peaceful Settlement of Taiwan Issue," was introduced in the House of Representatives, expressing the sense of the Congress that "it is the policy of the United States that the future of Taiwan should be resolved peacefully, through a democratic mechanism such as a plebiscite and with the express consent of the people of Taiwan."
With the international legal status of Taiwan still undetermined, the people on Taiwan, without doubt, have the right to self-determination, pursuant to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Charter of the United Nations, the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant of Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights. Taiwan, as we propose, can be integrated with and incorporated into the United States of America in accordance with Principles VI, VIII, and IX of G. A. Res. 1541, adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 15, 1960 (15 U.N. GAOR, Supp. (No. 16) 29, U.N. Doc. A/4684 (1960)).
III. Two Stages for Joining America
There are two stages in our plan, leading to the final resolution of the legal status of Taiwan:
(A) First Stage: From the birth of the Formosa Statehood Movement in 1994 to the establishment of the Commonwealth of Formosa as a territory of the United States, and
(B) Second Stage: From the birth of the Commonwealth of Formosa to the admission of Formosa by Congress as a State of the United States.
During the integration period prior to the establishment of the Commonwealth of Formosa, Taiwan, a political entity that does not enjoy sovereignty as a nation, may, through negotiations and mutual agreements, adopt some provisions of the Compact of Free Association between the Federated States of Micronesia and the United States, and redefine its governmental, economic, and security and defense relations with the United States.
IV. Eligibility for Membership in the Union
Strictly speaking, the U.S. Constitution and laws (except the Northwest Ordinance of 1787) provide no guidelines for a political entity to apply for admission into the Union. Historically, Congress reviewed applications on a case-by-case basis and decided according to political considerations and national interests.
Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning Article IV, Section 4 of the Constitution, which reads "The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government." This pertinent clause does require that every applicant for membership in the Union have a "republican form of government."
Most new states had acquired the political status of territory or possession before they gained statehood. Texas was an exception as it gave up its own nationhood and acquired statehood at the same time.
From the standpoints of the American tradition of democracy and constitutionalism, Taiwan must have a constitutional democracy and go through a plebiscite favoring the Formosa Statehood Plan before it can be admitted to statehood.
In addition, to improve chances for a favorable political decision by the U.S. Congress, the people of Taiwan must show their desire to accept the core American culture and values.
V. The Procedure for Joining the Union
The operative procedure that established the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands can be used as a reference point for Taiwan.
Step 1: A series of polls would need to be held in Taiwan by internationally acknowledged polling institutions and the poll results must show that a majority of the people favor the option proposed by the Formosa Statehood Movement.
Step 2: The U.S. Congress would need to enact a set of acts to order the U.S. armed forces to maintain the peace in the Taiwan Straits and the internal order of Taiwan and to empower the administrative branch to hold a plebiscite in Taiwan.
Step 3: A plebiscite on the status of Taiwan would be held in Taiwan and its outlying islands and a majority of voters would have to accept the option proposed by the Formosa Statehood Movement.
Step 4: A U.S.-Taiwan Joint Commission would be empowered to draft a covenant to establish a Commonwealth of Formosa in political union with the United States of America, making Taiwan a territory of the United States and conferring autonomy within the political system of the United States.
Step 5: The covenant, together with the constitution of the Commonwealth of Formosa, would then need to be approved by the Formosan Congress and thereafter submitted to Formosan voters in a referendum.
Step 6: The covenant would have to be approved with the joint consent of both houses of the U.S. Congress, and signed into law by the President.
VI. The Purpose and Goals of U.S.-Taiwan Integration
U.S.-Taiwan Integration is a means and a process leading to the full-fledged political association of Taiwan with the United States, the purpose of which is to make Taiwan a full member in the American family in every way: politically, economically, culturally, socially, ideologically, institutionally, and psychologically.
The goals of U.S.-Taiwan Integration are as follows:
(a) To strengthen the will of the United States to protect Taiwan and induce the United States to commit to protecting Taiwan before Taiwan joins the Union; and, after Taiwan joins the Union, to enjoy protection of the U.S. government against invasion and domestic violence;
(b) To help the United States increase its power and wealth, and thus help it maintain its ability to influence events for the better all over the world;
(c) To sustain and secure the commitment of the Taiwanese people in a multiracial and multiethnic America, as successive generations of Americans in the past embraced the creed of the Founding Fathers;
(d) To help the racial/ethnic groups in Taiwan assimilate into the American mainstream and play their role as model racial/ethnic groups;
(e) To make it possible for people on Taiwan to spread their influence throughout the world on the wings of American eagle;
(f) To help make Taiwan a sub-center of the American Universal Nation and the center of the American Pacific Domain, instead of being but a fringe political entity in the western Pacific area near China and other parts of East Asia;
(g) To establish "a U.S.-Taiwan Community," allowing the American people and the people of Taiwan to share the same interests and destiny.
VII. Principles of the U.S.-Taiwan Integration
The principles or guidelines of FSM's U.S.-Taiwan Integration program are as follows:
(a) Voluntariness: Officially or unofficially, U.S.-Taiwan Integration should be conducted along the principles of volition with no compulsion or coercion.
(b) Gradualism: U.S.-Taiwan Integration should be conducted gradually and methodically.
(c) Racial and Ethnic Equality: As provided in longstanding U.S. law, no race or ethnic group is to be classified as inferior and discriminated against legally or politically.
(d) Assimilation: The Taiwanese must be integrated into the U.S. mainstream, while practicing multiculturalism.
(e) Identity: Eventual adoption of American political identity, maintaining cultural and historical identities to satisfy native peoples.
(f) Linguistic unity with diversity: Acknowledgment of the supremacy of the English language, while keeping the local languages as the languages of everyday use.
(g) Equality of opportunity: Each person must be free to rise as high as ability will take him or her.
(h) Benevolence: The well being of economically and socially disadvantageous classes must always be kept in mind.
(i) Mutuality: Integration of Taiwan and the U.S. must promote the interests of all racial and ethnic groups, both in America and on Taiwan.
(j) Inclusiveness: No generation, racial group, ethnicity, or social class is to be ignored or left behind.
VIII. The Goals of the Unofficial First-Stage U.S.-Taiwan Integration Project
(a) To set out to improve the chances of Taiwan's being admitted to the Union by removing the tangible and intangible obstacles standing in the way of the complete success of the statehood cause;
(b) To strengthen the commitment of the United States to safeguarding Taiwan against Chinese coercion or aggression;
(c) To help more and more Americans establish connections with, and stakes in, Taiwan, and cement the political, economic, and emotional bonds that tie the American people to Taiwan;
(d) To help Taiwanese establish connections with America and stakes in America; help cement the political, economic, and emotional bonds that tie the Taiwanese to America; and to help people on Taiwan to develop a sense of political identity with the United States; and
(e) To help offset Chinese encroachments on Taiwan by "peaceful means" and to overcome the adverse impact of such encroachments on the residents of the island.
IX. The Working Agenda of the Unofficial First-Stage U.S.-Taiwan Integration Project
(1) To promote the integration of Taiwan with America and create the cultural, economic, political, social, and ideological foundations for the admission of Taiwan into the Union;
(2) To encourage people on Taiwan to adopt and practice the core culture and customs of America;
(3) To help people on Taiwan understand and appreciate American perspectives, national interests, traditions, and mission;
(4) To encourage people on Taiwan to cultivate Americanness and Americanism and build an American Identity;
(5) To help people on Taiwan to recognize the key American national symbols;
(6) To help people on Taiwan learn the American story;
(7) To help ordinary Taiwanese establish American connections and experiences;
(8) To help people on Taiwan familiarize themselves with the principles of government incorporated in the Declaration of Independence and U.S. Constitution;
(9) To encourage people on Taiwan to share the historical memories of the American people;
(10) To help more and more ordinary Taiwanese people learn the American Way;
(11) To help people on Taiwan understand and embrace the American Creed and to encourage them to practice American core values;
(12) To encourage people on Taiwan to learn and use the English language, and to encourage the governing authorities on Taiwan to make English one of the official languages as early as possible;
(13) To encourage the authorities and people on Taiwan to adopt the political, legal, economic, financial, and social systems and institutions of America;
(14) To encourage intermarriage between the racial and ethnic groups of Taiwan and those of America;
(15) To encourage childbirth by Taiwanese women who lawfully reside in the United States;
(16) To help Taiwan become a free-trade partner with the United States and become progressively more integrated with the United States economically;
(17) To persuade the U.S. Government to grant more and more economic interests to people on Taiwan, and to ask the U.S. Government and the U.S. embassies and consulates all over the world to make the interests, property, and personal security of the Taiwanese their legitimate concerns;
(18) To encourage ordinary Americans to establish stakes in, and connections with, Taiwan;
(19) To help show "the American side" of things in the best possible light; to help present everything favorable to the American image; and to help overcome anti-Americanism instigated by pro-China politicians, political parties, media, or the left-wing intelligentsia;
(20) To help make Taiwanese appreciate the power and prestige of the United States, as will enable them to place their trust in the United States;
(21) To help people on Taiwan meet the criteria for individual naturalization in America and collective naturalization in Taiwan in the future;
(22) To help people on Taiwan completely understand the truth that Taiwan stands no chance to survive Chinese aggression without the protection of the United States, and work to induce people on Taiwan to accept and identify with the United States heart and soul;
(23) To help ill-informed ordinary people and economically and socially disadvantaged people on Taiwan realize that almost all the upper class of Taiwan have been holding U.S. passports and that the only way that ordinary people on Taiwan can secure their defense, salvation, and well-being is by making the Formosa Statehood Movement succeed;
(24) To help Taiwanese-Americans and Chinese-Americans realize that Taiwan as a territory, possession, or state of the United States is in their best political and economic interests in Continental America, Taiwan, the Hawaiian Islands, and other territories; and
(25) To help ordinary Americans realize that Taiwan's being a member of the American family is in the best security, strategic, political, and economic interest of the United States.
(26) To file petitions or statements with both houses of the U.S. Congress, the White House, the State Department, and the Pentagon in order
(a) to extend our support to the United States;
(b) to address the grievances of the people on Taiwan;
(c) to ask the U.S. Government to promote the well-being of the people on Taiwan;
(d) to ask the U.S. Government to maintain peace and stability in the Taiwan Straits;
(e) to ask the U.S. Government to grant the right of self-determination to the people on Taiwan; and/or
(f) to further the statehood cause.
X. Organizations
In order to secure human and financial resources and to promote the U.S.-Taiwan Integration Plan, organizations of various kinds and functions in both Taiwan and the United States must be set up as soon as possible.
A DRAFT COVENANT
TO ESTABLISH A COMMONWEALTH OF FORMOSA IN POLITICAL UNION WITH THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
Notes
Preamble
Article I Political Relationship
Article II Constitution of Formosa
Article III Citizenship and Nationality
Article IV Judicial Authority
Article V Applicability of Laws
Article VI Revenue and Taxation
Article VII United States Financial Assistance
Article VIII National Guard and Coast Guard
Article IX Property
Article X Formosan Resident Representative and Consultation
Article XI Formosan U.S. Citizens in U.S. Presidential Elections and Primaries
Article XII Formosan Senate Delegates and House Delegates
Article XIII Transitional Justice
Article XIV Definitions, Approval, and Effective Dates
Contents
Note 1
This Draft Covenant for the United States and a Territorial Commonwealth of Formosa is for public discussions and private study in Formosa and America only. The document, prepared by David C. Chou and Alex C. L. Chen of the Formosa Statehood Movement, is in large part based on "The Covenant to Establish a Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI) in Political Union with the United States of America." Many provisions, articles, sections, and subsections of the U.S.-CNMI Covenant are adopted or duplicated with minor modifications where necessary.
Note 2
We keep some sections in Article III in our first draft intact, which are somewhat inconsistent with, or even contradictory to, Section 505, Article V in our final draft. We make it that way on purpose as we want to leave more room for public discussions.
David C. Chou
Founder of the Formosa Statehood Movement
Taipei, Formosa; August 22, 2022
[Provisions Effective in Stages]
Preamble
[Not Available]
Article I
Political Relationship
Section 101
Formosa and the Pescadores upon termination of the Taiwan Relations Act and revocation of the three U.S.-China Communiques and the Six Assurances to the Governing Authorities in Taiwan will become a self-governing commonwealth to be known as the "Commonwealth of Formosa", in political union with and under the sovereignty of the United States of America.
Section 102
The relations between Formosa and the United States will be governed by this Covenant which, together with those provisions of the Constitution, treaties and laws of the United States applicable to Formosa, will be the supreme law of Formosa.
Section 103
The people of Formosa will have the right of local self-government and will govern themselves with respect to internal affairs in accordance with a Constitution of their own adoption, with the consent of the U.S. Congress.
Section 104
The United States will have complete responsibility for and authority with respect to matters relating to foreign affairs and defense affecting Formosa.
Section 105
The United States may enact legislation in accordance with its constitutional processes which will be applicable to Formosa, but if such legislation cannot also be made applicable to the several States Formosa must be specifically named therein for it to become effective in Formosa. In order to respect the right of self-government guaranteed by this Covenant the United States agrees to limit the exercise of that authority so that the fundamental provisions of this Covenant, namely Articles I, II, and III and Section 501, may be modified only with the consent of the Government of the United States and the Government of Formosa.
Article II
Constitution of Formosa
Section 201
The people of Formosa will formulate and approve a Constitution and may amend their Constitution pursuant to the procedures provided therein.
Section 202
The Constitution will be submitted to the Government of the United States for approval on the basis of its consistency with this Covenant and those provisions of the Constitution, treaties and laws of the United States to be applicable to Formosa. The Constitution will be deemed to have been approved six months after its submission to the President on behalf of the Government of the United States unless earlier approved or disapproved. If disapproved the Constitution will be returned and will be resubmitted in accordance with this section.
Amendments to the Constitution may be made by the people of Formosa without approval by the Government of the United States, but the courts established by the Constitution or laws of the United States will be competent to determine whether the Constitution and subsequent amendments thereto are consistent with this Covenant and with those provisions of the Constitution, treaties and laws of the United States applicable to Formosa.
Section 203
(a) The Constitution will provide for a republican form of government with separate executive, legislative and judicial branches, and will contain a bill of rights.
(b) The executive power of Formosa will be vested in a popularly elected Governor and such other officials as the Constitution or laws of Formosa may provide.
(c) The legislative power of Formosa will be vested in a popularly elected legislature and will extend to all rightful subjects of legislation. The Constitution of Formosa will provide for appropriate representation for each of the administrative regions and ethnic groups of Formosa in one house of a bicameral legislature, notwithstanding other provisions of this Covenant or those provisions of the Constitution or laws of the United States applicable to Formosa.
(d) The judicial power of Formosa will be vested in such courts as the Constitution or laws of Formosa may provide. The Constitution or laws of Formosa may vest in such courts jurisdiction over all causes in Formosa over which any court established by the Constitution or laws of the United States does not have exclusive jurisdiction.
Section 204
All members of the legislature of Formosa and all officials and employees of the Government of Formosa will take an oath or affirmation to support this Covenant, those provisions of the Constitution, treaties and laws of the United States applicable to Formosa, and the Constitution and laws of Formosa.
Article III
Citizenship and Nationality
Section 301
The following persons and their children under the age of 18 years on the effective date of this Section, who are not citizens or nationals of the United States under any other provision of law, and who on that date do not owe allegiance to any foreign state, are declared to be citizens of the United States, except as otherwise provided in Section 302;
(a) All persons born in Formosa who are citizens of Formosa on the day preceding the effective date of this Section, and who on that date are domiciled in Formosa or in the United States or any territory or possession thereof;
(b) All persons who are citizens of Formosa on the day preceding the effective date of this Section, who have been domiciled continuously in Formosa for at least five years immediately prior to that date, and who, unless under age, registered to vote in election held in Formosa prior to ______; and
(c) All persons domiciled in Formosa on the day preceding the effective date of this Section, who, although not citizens of Formosa, on that date have been domiciled continuously in Formosa beginning prior to _______.
Section 302
Any person who becomes a citizen of the United States solely by virtue of the provisions of Section 301 may within six months after the effective date of that Section or within six months after reaching the age of 18 years, whichever date is the later, become a national but not a citizen of the United States by making a declaration under oath before any court established by the Constitution or laws of the United States or any court of record in the Commonwealth in the form as follows: "I, ---------- being duly sworn, hereby declare my intention to be a national but not a citizen of the United States."
Section 303
All persons born in the Commonwealth on or after the effective date of this Section and subject to the jurisdiction of the United States will be citizens of the United States at birth.
Section 304
Citizens of Formosa other than non-citizen nationals will be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States of the United States.
Article IV
Judicial Authority
Section 401
The United States will establish for and within Formosa several courts of record to be known as the [Federal] District Court for Northern Formosa, Central Formosa, Southern Formosa, or Eastern Formosa. Formosa will constitute a part of the Ninth Circuit of the United States, with two courthouses; one in Taipei, the other in Takao.
Section 402
(a) Each [Federal] District Court will have the jurisdiction of a [federal] district court of the United States, except that in all causes arising under the Constitution, treaties or laws of the United States it will have jurisdiction regardless of the sum or value of the matter in controversy.
(b) Each [Federal] District Court will have original jurisdiction in all causes in Formosa not described in Subsection (a) jurisdiction over which is not vested by the Constitution or laws of Formosa in a court or courts of Formosa. In causes brought in a District Court solely on the basis of this Subsection, the District Court will be considered a court of Formosa for the purposes of determining the requirements of the indictment by grand jury or trial by jury.
(c) The United States will establish for and within Formosa such federal courts with original and appellate jurisdictions over specific subject matters as US Tax Court, US Court of Patent and Trademark, US Court of International Trade, US Admiralty Court, US Bankruptcy Court, US Alien Terrorist Removal Court, and US Court for Veterans' Claims.
Section 403
The relations between the courts established by the Constitution or laws of the United States and the courts of Formosa with respect to appeals, certiorari, removal of causes, the issuance of writs of habeas corpus and other matters or proceedings will be governed by the laws of the United States pertaining to the relations between the courts of the United States and the courts of the several States in such matters and proceedings, except as otherwise provided in this Article.
Article V
Applicability of Laws
Section 501
(a) To the extent that they are not applicable of their own force, the following provisions of the
Constitution of the United States will be applicable within Formosa as if Formosa were one of the
several States: Article I, Section 9, Clauses 2, 3, and 8; Article I, Section 10, Clauses 1 and 3; Article IV, Section 1 and Section 2, Clauses 1 and 2; Amendments 1 through 9, inclusive; Amendment 13; Amendment 14, Section 1; Amendment 15; Amendment 19; and Amendment 26; provided, however, that neither trial by jury nor indictment by grand jury shall be required in any civil action or criminal prosecution based on local law, except where required by local law. Other provisions of or amendments to the Constitution of the United States, which do not apply of their own force within Formosa, will be applicable within Formosa only with the approval of the Government of Formosa and of the Government of the United States.
(b) The applicability of certain provisions of the Constitution of the United States to Formosa will be without prejudice to the validity of the power of the Congress of the United States to consent to Section 203 and the proviso in Subsection(a) of this Section.
Section 502
The following laws of the United States, presently inapplicable to Formosa, will not apply to Formosa except in the manner and to the extent made applicable to them by the Congress by law after termination of the Taiwan Relations Act:
(a) Except as otherwise provided in Section 506, the immigration and naturalization laws of the United States; and
(b) Other laws of the United States or some provisions thereof, as designated or recommended by the Commission on Federal Laws mentioned in Section 503.
Section 503
The President will appoint a Commission on Federal Laws to survey the laws of the United States and to make recommendations to the United States Congress as to which laws of the United States not applicable to Formosa should be made applicable and to what extent and in what manner, and which applicable laws should be made inapplicable and to what extent and in what manner.
The Commission will consist of seven persons (at least four of whom will be citizens of Formosa who are and have been for at least five years domiciled continuously in Formosa at the time of their appointments) who will be representative of the federal, local, private and public interests in the applicability of laws of the United States to Formosa.
The Commission will make its final report and recommendations to the Congress within one year after the termination of the Taiwan Relations Act, and before that time will make such interim reports and recommendations to the Congress as it considers appropriate to facilitate the transition of Formosa to its new political status.
In formulating its recommendations the Commission will take into consideration the potential effect of each law on local conditions within Formosa, the policies embodied in the law and the provisions and purposes of this Covenant.
The United States will bear the cost of the work of the Commission.
Section 504
The laws of Formosa under the regime of the Taiwan Relations Act and all other Executive and District orders of a local nature applicable to Formosa on the effective date of this Section and not inconsistent with this Covenant or with those provisions of the Constitution, treaties or laws of the United States applicable to Formosa will remain in force and effect until or unless altered by the Territorial Government of Formosa.
Section 505
(a) Notwithstanding the provisions of Subsection 503(a), upon the effective date of this Section
Formosa will be deemed to be a part of the United States under the Immigration and Nationality
Act, as amended for the following purposes only, and the said Act will apply to Formosa to the extent as provided by the U.S. Congress.
(b) The citizens of Formosa who wish to take up residence outside of the territories shall be at liberty to retire or leave. For this purpose a period of two years from the effective date shall be granted. At the expiration of that period those of the inhabitants who shall not have left such territories shall at the option of the United States, be deemed to be American citizens.
(c) Those who have been duly declared enemies of Formosa or of the United States will be subject to deportation at the option of the Government of the United States, by the recommendation of the
Territorial Government of Formosa, within two years after this Covenant takes effect. The spouse and immediate relatives of the said persons may also be subject to deportation due to national security upon the joint request of the Governor of the Commonwealth of Formosa, the Director of the FBI, and the Secretary of Homeland Security.
(d) The citizens of Formosa or those people with permanent residence status who decide to stay may choose to be a person on U.S. permanent residence status or a non-citizen national of the Unit
States whose permanent residence status is effective in the territories of the Commonwealth of Formosa only.
(e) Unless qualified for an exemption, all qualified citizens of Formosa who decide to stay and intend to acquire U.S. citizenship shall be required to: (1) to take a civics test; and (2)to take the Oath of Allegiance.
Article VI
Revenue and Taxation
Section 601
(a) The income tax laws in force in the United States will come into force in Formosa as local territorial income tax laws on the first day of January following the effective date of this Section.
(b) Any individual who is a citizen or a resident of the United States or of Formosa (including a national of the United States who is not a citizen), will file only one income tax return with respect to his income, in a manner similar to the provisions of Section 935 of Title 26, United States Code.
Section 602
The Government of Formosa may by local law impose such taxes, in addition to those imposed under Section 601, as it deems appropriate and provide for the rebate of any taxes received by it, except that the power of the Government of Formosa to rebate collections of the local territorial income tax received by it will be limited to taxes on income derived from sources within Formosa.
Section 603
(a) The Territory of Formosa will be included within the customs territory of the United States.
(b) All goods and merchandises, manufactured in the territories of Formosa and transported to any State of the United States or any Territory within the customs territory of the United States, will be treated as interstate commerce and trade.
Section 604
The Government of Formosa will have the authority to impose excise taxes upon goods manufactured, sold or used or services rendered within its territory or upon goods imported into its territory, provided that such excise taxes imposed on goods imported into its territory will be consistent with the international obligations of the United States.
Section 605
(a) Not later than the time this Covenant is approved, all the social security/ retirement pension funds of Formosa will be transferred to the Treasury of the United States, to be held in trust as a separate fund for a specific period of time to be known as the "Formosa Social Security/ Retirement Pension Fund". This fund will be administered by the United States for a specific of time, by setting up an office in Formosa, in accordance with the social security and social welfare laws of Formosa in effect at the time of such transfer, which may be modified by the Territorial Government of Formosa only in a manner which does not create any additional differences between the social security/ retirement pension laws of Formosa and those of the United States. The United States will supplement such fund if necessary to assure that persons receive benefits therefrom comparable to those who would have received from the previous funds under the laws applicable thereto on the day preceding the establishment of the "Formosa Social Security/ Retirement Pension Fund", so long as the rate of contributions thereto also remains comparable.
(b) Those laws of the United States which impose excise or which provide benefits from the United States Security System will, on January 1 of the first calendar year after this Covenant takes effect or upon such earlier date as may be agreed to by the Government of Formosa and the Government of the United States, become applicable to Formosa.
(c) At such time as the laws described in Subsection (b) become applicable to Formosa:
(1) The "Formosa Social Security / Retirement Pension Fund" will be transferred into the appropriate Federal Social Security Trust Funds;
(2) Prior contributions by or on behalf of persons domiciled in Formosa to the "Formosa Social Security and Retirement Pension Funds" will be considered to have been made to the appropriate Federal Social Security Trust Funds for the purpose of determining eligibility of those persons in Formosa for benefits under those laws; and
(3) Persons domiciled in Formosa who are eligible for or entitled to social security benefits under the laws of Formosa will not lose their entitlement and will be eligible for or entitled to benefits under the laws described in Subsection (b).
Section 606
All bonds or other obligations issued by the Government of Formosa or by its authority will be exempt, as to principal and interest, from taxation by the United States, or by any State, territory or possession of the United States, or any political subdivision of any of them.
Article VII
United States Financial Assistance
Section 701
The Government of the United States will assist the Government of Formosa in its efforts to achieve Formosa's comprehensive integration into the United States. To this end, the United States will provide direct multi-year financial support and some necessary resources to the Government of Formosa. The initial period of such support and assistance will be eight years, beginning from the Fiscal Year of ____, to which subsequent periods of support and assistance may be agreed upon.
Section 702
The United States will make available to Formosa a full range of federal programs and services available to the territories of the United States.
Section 703
The United States will provide support, assistance, and services to Formosa in the following programs or projects, among others:
(a) Social security, social welfare, and retirement pension funds;
(b) Establishment or reshuffles of national guard and coast guard;
(c) Education and English language education; and
(d) Establishment of a new judicial/justice system, which is basically a common law system.
Article VIII
National Guard and Coast Guard
Section 801
A National Guard will be established in Formosa, the units of which will be under dual control of the Territorial Government of Formosa and the federal government. This territory-based military force will become part of the reserve components of the U.S. Army and the U.S. Air Force when activated for federal missions.
Section 802
With some exceptions, all members of the Armed Forces of Formosa will become members of the Formosan National Guard, most of whom will hold a civilian job full-time while serving part-time as a National Guard member; while some of whom will serve full-time for a specific period of time, augmented by a full-time American-trained cadre of Active Guard and Reserve personnel in both the Army National Guard and Air National Guard, plus Army Reserve Technicians in the Army National Guard and Air Reserve Technicians in the Air National Guard. Those who hold a civilian job full-time while serving part-time as a National Guard member will be granted a monthly retirement pension from the federal "Formosa Social Security and Retirement Pension Funds."
Section 803
Formosan Navy
[This Sunset Clause Not Available]
Section 804
Formosan Coast Guard
[This Sunset Clause Not Available]
Article IX
Property
Section 901
All right, title and interest of the Government of Formosa, that is, the Governing Authorities on Taiwan under the Taiwan Relations Act, in and to real and personal properties in the territories of Formosa on the date of the signing of this Covenant or thereafter acquired in any manner whatsoever will, no later than upon the termination of the Taiwan Relations Act, Six Assurances, and the three U.S.-China Communiques, be transferred to the Territorial Government of Formosa.
Section 902
All right, title and interest pertaining to the military bases of Formosa, except weapons, arms, and ammunition, will be transferred to the Government of the United States.
Section 903
Parks, Natural Reserves, and Historical Landmarks.
(a) With some of the national parks and natural reserves of Formosa to be reserved for the Territorial Government of Formosa, the remaining ones will be transferred to the Government of the United States.
(b) Some sites, buildings, structures, and landmarks deemed worthy of preservation for their historical significance or educational value will be listed on the National Register of Historic Places and administered by the National Park Service, Department of the Interior.
Section 904
Some areas of land, which are to be designated as Formosan Aboriginal Reservations, may be held and governed by both Territorially and Federally Recognized Formosan Aboriginal Tribes. Those reservations possess and exercise tribal autonomy within the Territory of Formosa, albeit of a limited degree. The tribal council of each reservation, having jurisdiction over the land in which it is located, is accountable to the Administration of the Territorial Aboriginal Affairs, and, in some cases, to the U.S. Bureau of Formosan Aboriginal Affairs within the Department of the Interior.
Section 905
The Government of the United States will purchase or lease for a term of 99 years some pieces of public land to build some federal office building complexes and some residential quarters across the territories of Formosa to accommodate federal officials and military personnel and their families. In case of lease, the Government of the United States will have the option of renewing the lease for all or part of such property for an additional term or terms if it so desires before the lease expires.
Section 906
The U.S. currency will officially circulate in the territories of Formosa and a flat exchange rate to the old Formosan currency will be settled on the day this Covenant is in force or the day both the Government of Formosa and the Government of the United States will agree upon.
Article X
Formosan Resident Representative and Consultation
Section 1001
The Constitution or laws of Formosa may provide for the appointment or election of a Resident Representative to the United States, whose term of office will be four years, unless otherwise determined by local law, and who will be entitled to receive official recognition as such Representative by all of the departments and agencies of the Government of the United States upon presentation through the Department of State of a certificate of selection from the Governor of Formosa. The Representative must be a citizen and resident of Formosa, at least twenty-five years of age, and, on or after the date this Covenant becomes effective, a citizen of the United States; while the first three Representatives may be a person of Formosan ancestry or mixed ancestry if he or she is at least 25 years old, has been a U.S. citizen for at least 7 years, and is a resident, at the time of appointment or election, of a state or a territory of the United States.
Section 1002
The Resident Representative may meet the Director for the Office of Intergovernmental Affairs on Formosa of the White House, Director of the Office of Insular Affairs of the Department of the Interior, the Congressional Caucus on Formosan Affairs, and the Senate Delegates from Formosa when the circumstances require.
Section 1003
The Government of the United States and the Territorial Government of Formosa will consult regularly on the matters affecting the relationship between them. At the request of either Government, and not less frequently than every four years, the President of the United States and the Governor of Formosa will designate special representatives to meet and to consider in good faith such issues affecting the relationship between Formosa and the United States as may be designated by either Government and to make a report and recommendations with respect thereto. Special representatives will be appointed in any event to consider and to make recommendations regarding future multi-year federal support or assistance to Formosa pursuant to Article VII, to meet at least one year prior to the expiration of every period of such federal support or assistance.
Section 1004
(a) Each U.S. embassy and consulate around the world will host or accommodate a Formosan delegate for no less than twenty years to facilitate and promote tourism and other economic or cultural interests of Formosa.
(b) The Government of the United States will give sympathetic consideration to the views of the Territorial Government of Formosa on international matters directly affecting Formosa.
(c) On its request Formosa may send a delegate to join the U.S. delegation and participate in a regional or other international organization, including U.N. subsidiary or affiliated bodies, concerned with economic, educational, cultural, scientific, technical, or public health matters.
Artical XI
Formosan U.S. Citizens in U.S. Presidential Elections and Primaries
Section 1101
Qualified U.S. citizens who move to and reside in the Territory of Formosa on or after the day this Covenant takes effect will be eligible in accordance with the law to cast a ballot in a presidential election.
Section 1102
Qualified U.S. citizen who was born and resides in the territories of Formosa, except those whose parents/ parent are/is federal agents/agent, officials/official, members/member of the U.S. armed forces, is not eligible to cast his/her vote in the U.S. presidential elections, but eligible for casting a vote in the primaries.
Article XII
Formosan Senate Delegates and House Delegates
Section 1201
(a) Two Senate Delegates from Formosa for a term of six years will be elected in the same manner as the pertinent clauses of the U.S. Constitution concerning the U.S. Senators provide.
(b) The term of one of the first two Senate Delegates will be two years, while the other's term will be four years. This will be decided by lot. They may be re-elected.
(c) If the real term of the first two Senate Delegates is less than two years or four years respectively, theymay be appointed by the Governor of Formosa.
Section 1202
Twenty-eight House Delegates from the Congressional Districts, the number of which may be readjusted when necessary, in Formosa for a term of two years will be elected in the same manner as the pertinent clauses of the U.S. Constitution concerning the U.S. House Representatives stipulate. If the first term is less than two years, all the House Delegates are still subject to re-election in the next general election.
Section 1203
All elections will be held on the federally set Election Day, the Tuesday next after the First Monday in the eleventh month of every Election Year.
Section 1204
All Senate and House Delegates from the Territory of Formosa will be empowered to introduce a bill or a resolution and take part in all meetings or activities on subcommittee and committee levels and the floor debates, but are not entitled to cast a vote in the plenary sessions of either Chamber.
Section 1205
The Senate and House Delegates from the Territory of Formosa, if necessary for a specific period of time, will be assisted by interpreters, translators, and special assistants financed by either Chamber or the Government of the United States.
Article XIII
Transitional Justice
Section 1301
A U.S.-Formosa Joint Commission on Transitional Justice shall be established by the U.S. Department of Justice and the Department of Justice of Formosa and operate pursuant to the law.
Section 1302
The Joint Commission shall restore to the Government of Formosa or to the original or proper owners or their lawful successors in restitution or adequate monetary compensation all stolen public or private properties or assets and all interests accrued therefrom within or without Formosa after the closing of the U.S.-Japan Pacific War by the military governments, the governing authorities, the ruling party, or the officials or any individuals in affiliation with any of the afore-mentioned institutions.
Section 1303
The Joint Commission shall conduct a comprehensive study, reach correct findings, and prepare a report on the March 1947 Genocide (formerly known as 28 February 1947 Massacre or Incident) in which it may propose a set of remedies to be fulfilled by the federal government and/or the Government of Formosa. The U.S. government may be held accountable for the negligence, omission, or dereliction of duty in overseeing the occupation and governance of the Nationalist Chinese Military Government, whose administrative power and jurisdiction over Formosa were delegated by the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers after the closing of the U.S.-Japan Pacific War.
Section 1304
The Joint Commission shall conduct a comprehensive study, reach correct findings, and prepare a report on the gross human right abuses or violations committed by the occupying power or the governing authorities in which it may propose a set of remedies to be fulfilled by the federal government and/or the Government of Formosa. The U.S. government may be held accountable for the negligence, omission, or dereliction of duty in overseeing the occupation and governance of the occupying power or the governing authorities between its fleeing to Formosa and the establishment of the Commonwealth of Formosa, during which time Formosa was under the decades-long martial law regime and white terror rule and the sovereignty over Formosa is in custody of the United States.
Section 1305
If the rule of probable cause applies, any individuals and legal entities, including the last third-party owners or beneficiaries, shall be called to answer all allegations or accusations of holding or hiding the stolen property, no matter how innocent or remote they were/are.
Section 1306
All stolen or lost properties and the accrued interests therefrom in any forms mentioned in Section 1302 shall be tracked and identified with the help of the international banking or financial systems and the offshore tax havens.
Section 1307
The law or rule of prescription shall not be applied to all cases and claims pertaining to transitional justice.
Section 1308
The law or rule that no person shall be put twice in jeopardy shall apply to all cases arising from this Article.
Section 1309
This Article shall not be subject to judicial review either in the United States or in Formosa.
Article XIV
Definitions, Approval, and Effective Dates
Section 1401
Approval for the Covenant.
(a) This Covenant will be submitted to the people of Formosa through the Government of Formosa for approval in a plebiscite to be called by the United States. Only persons who are domiciled exclusively in Formosa and who meet such other qualifications, including timely registration, as are promulgated by the United States as administering authority will be eligible to vote in the plebiscite. Approval must be by a majority of at least 55% of the valid votes cast in the plebiscite. The result of the plebiscite will be certified to the President of the United States and the Legislature of Formosa.
(b) This Covenant will be approved by the United States in accordance with its constitutional processes and will thereupon become law.
Section 1402
The President of the United States will issue a proclamation announcing the termination of the Taiwan Relations Act and the Six Assurances in accordance with a resolution of U.S. Congress, and Three U.S.-China Communiques, and the establishment of the Territorial Commonwealth of Formosa in accordance with this Covenant. Any determination by the President will be final and will not be subject to review by any authority, judicial or otherwise, of Formosa or the United States.
Section 1403
Provisions Effective in Stages. The provisions of this Covenant will become effective as follows, unless otherwise specifically provided:
[Provisions Effective in Stages Not Available]
Section 1404
Definitions of Terms as Used in this Covenant
(a) "Territories of Formosa" means the territories under the jurisdiction of the Government of Formosa, including the island of Formosa and its outlying islets, the Pescadores, the Pratas, Itu Aba, and other islands and reefs as designated by the Government of the United States.
(b) "Territory or possession" with respect to the United States includes the District of Columbia, the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, Guam, American Samoa, and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands.
(c) "Government of Formosa" includes, as appropriate, the Government of Formosa at the time this Covenant is signed, its agencies and instrumentalities, and its successors, including the Territorial Government of Formosa or the Government of the Commonwealth of Formosa.
(d) "Domicile" means that place where a person maintains a residence with the intention of continuing such residence for an unlimited or indefinite period, and to which such person has the intention of returning whenever he is absent, even for an extended period.
Article XX
OFFICIAL SEAL, FLAG AND LANGUAGES
Section 2001. Official Seal
[Not Available]
Section 2002. Official Flag
[Not Available]
Section 2003. Official Language
(a) The Official language of the Commonwealth shall be English, with the most popular and conventional oral and written language being treated as an operational language during the transitional period, the duration of which shall be provided by law. The legislature may provide that governmental proceedings and documents shall be in both languages at least for a specific period of time. This Section shall not be subject to judicial review.
(b) The native languages of some major ethnic groups and the mother tongues of the aboriginal tribes may be taught and preserved in some concerned and respective school districts. We publish the Platform of the Formosa Statehood Party hereon.
PLATFORM OF THE FORMOSA STATEHOOD PARTY :
OUR PROMISES AND COMMITMENTS
Preamble
WHEREAS the future and the security of Taiwan, the sustainability of Taiwan, frameworks of liberty and democracy, implementations of human and civil rights, rule of law, civic culture, clean government and good governance, civilization and progress, economic development and prosperity, the improvement of the environment for investment, the promotion and upgrading of individual and collective competitive edges, creation of jobs, improvement on the living conditions, enlargement of tax bases, social stability, the public good, fairness and justice, support for disadvantaged ethnic groups and classes, the pursuit of happiness, upward mobility, the maintenance of the nuclear family, and the control and reduction of public deficits ARE the main concerns and key values we treasure most;
IN ORDER TO advance the values mentioned above; and
IN ORDER TO advance the interests and promote the happiness of the people on Taiwan;
WE, therefore, enter the following commitments into our PARTY PLATFORM, hoping ALL PARTY MEMBERS will strive to appeal to all the residents of Taiwan, former Taiwanese residents who emigrated overseas, and the American people, and seek their support for our cause.
ARTICLE I: SETTLEMENT OF THE FUTURE OF TAIWAN
Section 101
We affirm that the international legal status of Taiwan remains undetermined and that the sovereignty of Taiwan is still under the political guardianship/custody of the U.S. government. We thus advocate that the people on Taiwan hold a plebiscite to settle the future of Taiwan at a time deemed appropriate jointly by the people of Taiwan and the U.S. government.
Section 102
We advocate that the people on Taiwan hold a plebiscite to join the American Union, following the example of the Republic of Texas or the Republic of the Hawaiian Islands, at a time deemed appropriate jointly by the U.S. government and the people of Taiwan, even though Taiwan is regarded as a de facto or de jure independent political entity, in order to avoid China’s ‘peaceful’ annexation or subjugation by force.
Section 103
We call for political association with the American Union through the Taiwan-U.S. Integration Project, with a Commonwealth of Formosa in the first stage, followed by the State of Formosa.
Section 104
We commit to turning Taiwan into a military stronghold, a political powerhouse, and an economic, financial, and cultural hub, that is, a subcenter of the United States in the Asia-Pacific region, as best to promote the utmost interests of people on Taiwan.
ARTICLE II: ESTABLISHMENT OF A WIDE BASE OF SUPPORT
Section 201
We strive to mobilize the people of Taiwan, of all classes and walks of life, to take part in the process of bringing Statehood to Taiwan, as will allow all the people of Taiwan to share the honor of this achievement.
Section 202
We strive to encourage and urge Taiwanese immigrants of all of Taiwan 's ethnic groups within the United States to participate in the process of bringing Taiwan into the Union, as will allow them to share the honor of this achievement as well.
Section 203
We will urge Americans of all races and ethnic groups, including American expatriates in Taiwan, to join our cause, as to share the honor as well.
Section 204
We urge Taiwanese emigrants all over the world, and the Chinese diaspora in America from all over the world, to share our aspirations and take up our cause, as will allow them also to share the honor of making Taiwan a State.
ARTICLE III: PUBLIC POLICY (1)
Section 301
We pledge to promote the happiness and highest interests of the people on Taiwan as will guarantee the fundamental interests and core values of the United States in Taiwan.
Section 302
We will fight to eliminate the bullying, threats, blackmail, humiliation, invasion, subjugation, united front campaign, infiltration, subversion, and divisiveness practiced by Communist China, in order to safeguard peace, security, and order in the Taiwan Straits.
Section 303
We will endeavor, tirelessly, to place Taiwan on a solid foundation of freedom and democracy; human rights and rule of law; freedom through equality and economic and social justice; clean government and good governance; pluralism and multiculturalism; racial equality; economic sustainability; environmental protection paralleling economic development; a market economy regulated by scrupulous adherence to a code of ethics; social security systems not subordinated to a globalized economy; a constitutional system of checks and balances; and republican democracy.
Section 304
We advocate that Taiwan assume autonomy within the Federal system of the United States as will let the people of Taiwan enjoy the dignity and honor of American citizens.
Section 305
We promise to help the people of Taiwan prepare to enter the mainstream of American society, and become one of the most influential and powerful ethnic groups, as first-class citizens, through quality education and economic development.
Section 306
We promise to seek for all people within Taiwanese territory, after Taiwanese accession to the American Union, the right to choose their nationality freely. We propose that persons unwilling to adopt U.S. citizenship within two years will, pursuant to pertinent U.S. laws, be accorded the most civilized and enlightened treatment, including permanent-residence status valid in Taiwan, the Pescadores, Quemoy, and Matsu, but not in the territory of the United States prior to Taiwanese accession.
Section 307
We promise to implement a policy of full racial equality in Taiwan, and not allow any race or ethnic group to be subjected to any political or legal discrimination, thus to enhance the chances of the survival and continued development of minority cultures.
Section 308
We promise to respect the cultures and traditions of the various ethnic groups of Taiwan, and to play our part in the cultural pluralism of America.
Section 309
We promise, in cooperation with and with the consent of the U.S. government, to set up several reservation areas for the Austronesian tribes and offer help for the aboriginal peoples in political, economic, and cultural sectors.
Section 310
We will endeavor to win for the people of Taiwan the very best guarantees as to rights and privileges during the period of transition to Statehood.
Section 311
We will work to secure a resident representative in the U.S. Congress for the Commonwealth (Territory) of Formosa.
Section 312
We will negotiate with the U.S. government to grant U.S. citizenship to the citizens of the Territory of Formosa, as will allow them to establish residence, seek employment, and receive public education (including adult education) in the United States. Those Taiwanese citizens who reside in America will enjoy the same treatment as every other citizen under Federal and state laws, unless otherwise provided by U.S. legislation acceptable to the people of Taiwan.
Section 313
We promise, during the transition period, to negotiate with the U.S. government to establish Federal courts in Taiwan, to enable the people on Taiwan to enjoy the protections of the Federal legal system. We also promise to introduce and adopt several U.S. institutions, such as jury and grand jury, even before Taiwan joins the Union.
Section 314
We promise, during the transition period, to seek an agreement with the U.S. Government to have a representative of Taiwanese interests in each embassy and consulate of the United States all over the world and to request a consultant in each international organization of which the United States is a member.
Section 315
We promise, even before Taiwan joining the American Union, to seek the protection of and assistance for the people of Taiwan from U.S. embassies and consulates all over the world.
Section 316
We promise, during the transition period, to seek an agreement with the U.S. Government and various American political parties to grant the people of Taiwan the right to be involved in the presidential primary system.
Section 317
We promise to invite and welcome the U.S. armed forces and Coast Guard to garrison or station in Taiwan, as to safeguard the security of Taiwan and the peace of the Asia-Pacific region, and create jobs for people on Taiwan.
Section 318
We promise, during the transition period, to require all male adults of Taiwan to register, pursuant to the Selective Service System, but not to be subjected to compulsory military service, unless the United States or Taiwan enters the state of emergency proclaimed by the U.S. President or Taiwan's governor.
Section 319
We promise, during the transition period, to seek an agreement with the U.S. Government to allow citizens of Taiwan to join the U.S. armed forces or the Coast Guard, and to be eligible for any Federal offices or civil service positions if they meet all the other requirements stipulated by the U.S. Constitution and applicable laws.
Section 320
We promise, before Taiwan joins the American Union, to grant the people on Taiwan the privilege under the Visa Waiver Program.
Section 321
We promise to sign reciprocity agreements with the various state and territorial governments to confer on the citizens of Taiwan the same rights, privileges, and benefits accorded to other states or territories, on equal terms.
Section 322
We promise, during the transition period, to negotiate an agreement with the U.S. Government to set up branch offices of the various Federal departments, agencies, and commissions in several metropolitan areas on Taiwan, to provide services to citizens of Taiwan, U.S. citizens, and aliens.
Section 323
We promise, during the transition period, to urge the U.S. Government to set up various offices or organizations in Taiwan, using them as means to reach the various countries of the Asia-Pacific region, and creating more jobs for the people on Taiwan.
Article IV
PUBLIC POLICY (2)
Section 401
We shall work to put Taiwan within the top 10 jurisdictions in the United States.
Section 402
We promise to improve Taiwan's infrastructure, offer incentives for investments, and establish healthy financial market mechanisms, in order to keep funds from flowing outward; keep foreign capital coming in; facilitate investments in Taiwan; create employment opportunities for all classes, genders, and age brackets; consolidate and expand the tax base; and reduce the number of people who must rely on social-welfare payments.
Section 403
We promise to help improve individual productivity, to deploy the workforce rationally, and to protect employment opportunities for senior citizens who are able and willing to work, in order to reduce the negative impact on younger generations and thus reduce the temptation to use a higher birth rate to sustain the older portion of the population. Taiwan is geographically small, and cannot sustain quality of life for all people unless population is in balance with resources, and the environment is preserved.
Section 404
We promise to offer incentives and protections, including but not limited to exemption from dual taxation and facilitation of international schools, to Taiwanese entrepreneurs who set up headquarters for transnational enterprises in Taiwan, in order to create jobs for people on Taiwan, and help consolidate and expand the tax base for the Taiwanese government.
Section 405
We promise to work for a culture of constructive, rather than destructive, economic and social competition.
Section 406
We promise to offer help to Taiwanese enterprises and individuals, in enhancing their competitiveness in global commerce and the transnational job market.
Section 407
We promise to set up fair taxation and other systems to reduce invidious discrepancies in wealth to a morally acceptable range.
Section 408
We promise to protect the economic interests of disadvantaged individuals, urban and rural, and to promote the economic well-being of all persons and groups, including but not limited to minorities, the underclass, lower-salaried classes, laborers, peasants, single-parent families, and the so-called new poor class.
Section 409
We promise to reform the health insurance system in order to make it sustainable and to exempt the poor from paying premiums they cannot afford. To maintain and promote the quality of medical care, we promise to let medical professionals and related service personnel enjoy good income and benefits. We also promise, before Taiwan joins the American Union, to help private clinics and hospitals to compete with public hospitals on fair terms.
Section 410
We promise to protect the social welfare system and social security system, assist people who are unable to enjoy the same benefits as others in a globalized and deregulated market system, in order to maintain a harmonious and stable social order.
Section 411
We promise to pursue good land-use policies, to promote the livability and sustainability of both urban and rural areas.
Section 412
We promise to enact legislation, as in reasonable protections against electromagnetic radiation, to protect public health and ease of mind.
Section 413
We promise, before Taiwan joins the American Union, to set up a militia, an ROTC system, and fast-mobilized reserves, alongside a small professional defense force.
Section 414
We shall endeavor to conclude an agreement with the U.S. Government to guarantee the defense of Taiwan during the transition period; while the citizens and corporate entities of Taiwan are not required to file Federal income tax returns.
Section 415
We shall work, before Taiwan joins the Union, to cause the U.S. Government to offer services to the people of Taiwan, through the Department of Health and Human Services and other agencies, to overcome the distress caused the Communist Chinese government that ruthlessly and shamelessly claims sovereignty over Taiwan.
Section 416
We pledge to promote civic virtues of patriotism, self-discipline, pluralism, interpersonal tolerance, willingness to compromise for the greater good, respect for human and civil rights, personal responsibility and civic duty, industry and hard work, courtesy and mutual consideration, and charity and philanthropy.
Section 417
We promise to promote, in constructive and creative ways, a penal system under which nonviolent offenders will render services to the community and contribute to the economy, in order to reduce financial burdens on Federal and state budgets.
Section 418
We promise, during the transition period, to adopt and implement bilingual education in order to preserve the quintessence of the Taiwanese/Chinese culture and to protect the jobs of Taiwanese/Chinese-speaking teachers and professors while also empowering the people of Taiwan to master the English language in order to communicate with Americans and take their rightful place in American society. Mastery of English will also enable Taiwanese to communicate with educated people all around the world, and participate fully in the world economy.
Section 419
We promise, before Taiwan joins the American Union, to provide free public education from kindergarten to grade 12, heuristics and apprentice pedagogies, and educational policy guided by early aptitude tests.
Section 420
We promise, during the transition period, to implement the bilingual policy, enabling the people on Taiwan to communicate, receive education, obtain information, go interference-free at work, and to lead their daily lives without any unnecessary inconvenience or without feeling abandoned or deprived or feeling as a second-class citizens.
Section 421
We promise, during the transition period and even after Taiwan becomes a State of the United States, to offer bilingual services in public sectors to help civil servants and elected officials to function smoothly and effectively, and protect their jobs and rights.
Section 422
We promise to urge the Taiwan government to provide sufficient translators to legislators, administrators, and courts to do their work smoothly and effectively.
Section 423
We promise, before and after Taiwan gains statehood, to offer free and voluntary adult education in English, to prevent non-English speakers from feeling abandoned, their lives disrupted, but instead feel confident that they can march into the future as full and valued participants in Taiwan society.
Section 424
We promise not to let Taiwan become politically marginalized by the Continental United States nor economically marginalized by the rest of the United States or by Asian countries or regional communities.
Section 425
We promise, during the transition period, to take all necessary measures to allow local investors and entrepreneurs to play the major role in the local economy and in trade and economic cooperation with neighboring countries, including the exploitation of sea-floor petroleum and natural gas from the East China Sea to the South China Sea.
Section 426
We promise to encourage research and development of clean, safe, cheap, pollution-free or low-pollution alternative energy sources. We also promise to implement this new energy policy through building codes and other laws and regulations, such as encouraging use of solar energy by requiring electric companies to buy surplus energy from their electric-service customers.
Section 427
We pledge to accept nothing less, in our agreements with the U.S. Government, than completely tariff-free entry of goods and services from Taiwan to all territories under the jurisdiction of the United States of America, to the benefit of Taiwan 's businesses and workforce.
Section 428
We promise to urge the U.S. Government to use its diplomatic and trade representatives to assist Taiwan 's farmers, fishermen, ranchers, and aquaculturists in expanding their opportunities worldwide.
Section 429
We promise to build publicly funded apartment buildings at low rent and with good management for low-income families, start-up families, young couples, singles, and single-parent families in both urban and suburban areas.
Section 430
We promise to offer assistance to unemployed white and blue collar workers adversely impacted by globalized and deregulated economic policies, including help in finding new jobs and job training; grants of low-interest loans to start new small businesses and to finance their dependents' education; giving them a grace period for paying housing loans; offering health-insurance subsidies for themselves and their dependents; providing free school lunches for their children, etc., in order to maintain the family, promote social stability and order, and to secure the normal operation of the market economy.
Section 431
We promise to cooperate with the Federal Government on grants and long-term loans to students at the lowest interest rates and on the most favorable terms possible. We also promise to pass laws to encourage and facilitate individuals, schools, enterprises, corporate entities, and foundations in offering scholarships.
Section 432
We promise to offer free legal services to the poor, in order to safeguard the integrity of the justice system.
Section 433
We promise to offer the emergency assistance to people in need in order to promote harmony and peace within society.
Section 434
We promise to offer food stamps to pregnant women, infants, toddlers, pre-school children, senior citizens, and the handicapped of low-income families who may need such assistance. We also promise to offer free lunch to students of low-income families at public schools.
Section 435
We promise to offer appropriate assistance to low-income new immigrants and their young children, such as bilingual adult education and social services.
Section 436
We promise to work with the U.S. government to build Taiwan into the paramount Asia-Pacific business hub, creating jobs and wealth for the people of Taiwan.
Section 437
We will work, before U.S. currency begins to circulate in Taiwan, to get the most favorable exchange rate for Taiwanese currency.
Section 438
We promise, during the transition period, to teach the weights and measures of the United States to the people of Taiwan and to mandate labeling of consumer goods in both that system and the metric system.
Section 439
We promise, during the transition period, to maintain Taiwan's economic and cultural offices now in place in various parts of the world, to continue to champion the concerns of the people of Taiwan, except as forbidden by U.S. law.
Section 440
We promise to offer assistance to the people and various types of professionals who use the Taiwanese/Chinese language only, in order to help them make a living and maintain their acquired interests and privileges.
Section 441
We promise, during the transition period, not to adopt nor implement any measures inimical or detrimental to the legally vested rights of the people of Taiwan, subject only to recognition of the primacy of U.S. Federal law.
Section 442
We promise, during the transition period, to offer all reasonable protections to public employees and to assist such employees as may be displaced with temporary financial assistance as well as aid in finding other employment or enable those who would like to retire, the opportunity to retire in comfort.
Section 443
We promise to work with the U.S. government and the U.S. defense industry to set up production lines in Taiwan for weapons systems to be used by the U.S. and its Asian allies. Further, we will strive to create military supply, maintenance, and training facilities in Taiwan, to secure employment for the people of Taiwan and boost science and technology within Taiwan.