top of page

English

美國地圖
(圖片取自網路,著作權為原創者所有)

  Index of current page

9A The Formosa Statehood Movement

9B The Action the FSM Is Taking in the Present Stage Starting from 2018

  9B-01 Helping the people of Taiwan fully acknowledge 

 9B-02 Launching the PPSC Project

 9B-03 Presenting petitions to the U.S. Congress 

 9B-04 Lobbying the U.S. Congress to enact a series of laws 

 9B-05 Conducting lobbying activities to get the endorsements

9C Organizations & Leaders

 9C-01 In order to promote the cause of the FSM

  9C-01a The Formosa Territory Commission (FTC)

  9C-01b The Task Force on Plebiscite Petition Signatures Collection

 9C-02 Leaders of Organizations

  9C-02a Dr. Chung-mo Cheng

  9C-02b Mr. David C. Chou

9D The Formosa Statehood Movement and Its Founder

9E Cementing the Tie

9F A Great Cause and Mission

9G An Ardent Appeal

9H Why Taiwan?

9I For more information on the Facebook page of the Formosa Statehood Movement.

9A The Formosa Statehood Movement

 

The Formosa Statehood Movement (FSM), founded in 1994, is an organization calling for political association of Taiwan (Formosa) with the American Union as an unincorporated, organized territory in the first stage, leading to statehood as a full member of the United States.

 

 

9B The Action the FSM Is Taking in the Present Stage Starting from 2018

 

The FSM is launching its long overdue project at the moment---The Project on Plebiscite Petition Signatures Collection for a Formosa Territory in the American Union (The PPSC Project or The Project) . This is the first step for the FSM to push through the self-determination of the Taiwanese (Formosan) people and the plebiscites for joining the American Union.

 

The FSM is striving in the present stage to establish a Territory of Formosa (Taiwan), an unincorporated, organized territory of the United States.

 

The FSM is on its way to holding a plebiscite or plebiscites in Taiwan by making the following moves step by step:

 

9B-01 Helping the people of Taiwan fully acknowledge that they do have the right to self-determination under international law and completely understand that they stand no chance of holding plebiscites without the acknowledgement, recognition and endorsement of the U.S. government of the right; helping the people of Taiwan acknowledge that the political association of Taiwan with the United States, initiated by the FSM, best serves the interests of the Taiwanese people; also, helping American people acknowledge and realize that the incorporation of Taiwan into the American Union best serves the national interests of the United States. 

 

9B-02 Launching the PPSC Project, with online signatures/operation being the first phase.

 

9B-03 Presenting petitions to the U.S. Congress by the leadership of the FSM and the representatives of the people of Taiwan randomly selected from the pool of people who signed their petitions. The petitions will be presented respectively when one hundred thousand, two hundred fifty thousand, half a million, one million, two million, five million, and ten million signatures have been collected.

 

9B-04 Lobbying the U.S. Congress to enact a series of laws that acknowledge and recognize the right of the Taiwanese people to self-determination under international law and that provide a mechanism and framework of plebiscite for the people of Taiwan.

 

9B-05 Conducting lobbying activities to get the endorsements of the U.S. government for plebiscites in Taiwan at times when both Washington and the people of Taiwan deem appropriate or opportune.

 

 

9C Organizations & Leaders

 

9C-01 In order to promote the cause of the FSM and push through the PPSC Project, the FSM established or to set up the following organizations:

 

9C-01a The Formosa Territory Commission (FTC), under which a Planning Committee on the Establishment of a Territorial Commonwealth of Formosa and the Pescadores in Political Union with the United States (The Planning Committee) is to be organized; and

 

9C-01b The Task Force on Plebiscite Petition Signatures Collection for a Formosa Territory in the American Union (The Task Force).

 

9C-02 Leaders of Organizations

 

9C-02a Dr. Chung-mo Cheng

 

Current Positions:
Chairman, Taiwan Law & Policy Research Foundation
Chairman, Taiwan Administrative Law Association
Chairman, European Union Study Association-Taiwan
Chairman, The Formosa Territory Commission (Not officially announced yet)

Education:
Post-doctoral Research Scholar, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A., 1971
LL.D., University of Vienna, Austria, 1970
Research Scholar, University of Tokyo, Japan, 1967
LL.M., Waseda University, Japan, 1966
LL.B., Soochow University, 1962

Experience:
Chairman, Formosa National Legal strategy Association (Party), 2009-2012;
Chairman, Friends of Lee Teng-Hui Association Formosa, 2008-;
Chairman, European Union Study Association-Taiwan, 2008-;
Chairman, Taiwan Law & Policy Research Foundation, 2007-;
Chairman, Taiwan Administrative Law Association, 2005-2011;
Vice-President, Judicial Yuan, 1999-2007;
Minister, Ministry of Justice, 1998-99;
Grand Justice, Judicial Yuan, 1994-98;
Commissioner, Examination Yuan, 1990-94;
Commissioner, Taiwan Provincial Government, 1982-90;
Guest Professor, University of Vienna, Austria, 1980-81;
Professor and Dean, Graduate School of Law, National Chunghsing University, 1979-82;
Professor and Chairman, Department of Law, National Chunghsing University, 1977-79;
Professor and Chairman, Department of Law, Fuhsingkang College, 1973-77;
Section Chief, Senior Specialist, and Advisor, Executive Yuan, 1971-73

Publications:
"Basic Theory of Administrative Law" (1991);
"Essay of Compensational Law System" (1986);
"Collection of Administrative Laws I" (1990);
"Administrative Law in the Past 40 Years" (1990);
"The General Legal Principles of the Administrative Law" (editor, 2 vols.) (1994,1997);
"Selected Hundred Sentences of the Administrative Law" (editor) (1997);
"New Tendency of the Administrative Law Development in 21th Century"(2001)

 

9C-02b Mr. David C. Chou

 

Education:
National Taipei University (formerly National Chunghsing University), College of Law and Commerce, Dept. of Law, LLB;
Pennsylvania State University Dickinson Law School, LLM;
Advanced Research Program, New York University Law School

Careers:
General Manager, Chenchang Plastic Co.;
General Manager & President, Flywitch Co. (Taiwan & California);
Assistant to Legislator Ninghsiang Kang;
Executive Secretary, Yunlin County Committee, DPP;
Founder, Formosa Statehood Movement
Coordinator, The Task Force on Plebiscite Petition Signatures Collection for a Formosa Territory in the American Union (The Task Force)

Publications:
"Say Yes to America" (1998);
"American Dream" (to be published);
"The Education of David Chou" (to be published);
"Collections of Papers and Documents" (to be published)

 

 

9D The Formosa Statehood Movement and Its Founder


Any hurried admission to the temple of freedom would be unwise, any forced admission would be contradiction in terms, unthinkable, revolting. But a duty lay on the people of the United States to admit all qualified applicants freely. (This was Manifest Destiny in its pure form: peaceful, automatic, gradual, and governed by self-determination.)
— Frederik Merk: Manifest Destiny and Mission in American History


 

With no regrets, we're determined to build an American Universal State on the values of freedom, democracy, human rights, rule of law, clean government, market economy, open society, racial equality, social justice, and upward mobility. This is Manifest Destiny with a new and enlightened definition.
— David C. Chou, Founder of the Formosa Statehood Movement


 

Nearly a century and a half after Commodore Matthew C. Perry and his contemporaries' occupation and settlement plans for Taiwan, the standard of the Formosa Statehood Movement (FSM) was finally raised by David C. Chou, an American-educated Formosan.


David Chou and his comrades set up the 51st Club of Taiwan and started the FSM in 1994. The Club is believed to be the first indigenous civic group of its kind to promote the cause of Formosan statehood in the Union.


David Chou was born in Taiwan in 1949, the year Chiang Kai-shek occupied Taiwan and set up his government-in-exile on this island. He received his Bachelor of Law degree from the National Taipei University (formerly National Chunghsing University) and Master of Comparative Law degree from Dickinson Law School, Pennsylvania State University.

Mr. Chou was actively involved in the Taiwan Independence Movement in his late thirties. Later on, he found that most residents on Taiwan did not want to risk their lives declaring de jure independence, nor did they favor so-called "unification with China," placing their hard-won democracy, freedoms, and higher standard of living in jeopardy. He therefore came up with a new approach — integration into the American Union — as a Third Option.


Mr. Chou believes his plan will create maximum benefits for the Formosan people and Americans as well. For this same reason, he argues, his proposition will prove to be a popular, workable, pragmatic, peaceful — indeed ideal solution.
The Formosa Statehood Movement outright rejects any form of political association with China and urges that any independent nation-building project must give way to the statehood plan, or the Formosan people will find themselves, in the near future, facing very grave dangers in the wake of Communist China's meteoric rise to great-power status, fueled by a massive transfer of wealth from the United States and Western Europe via astronomical trade deficits that pump hundreds of billions of dollars a year into the treasury of Communist China, to be used for whatever purposes the Butchers of Beijing may choose.


The Formosa Statehood Movement offers a pragmatic "2-phase Taiwan-U.S. Integration Project" to the general public of Taiwan. In each stage, a set of necessary measures are to be taken to draw Taiwan closer to America in terms of values and systems.


Phase 1: Taiwan as a Territorial Commonwealth in the American Union

The Formosa Statehood Movement advocates that the U.S. Government and the people on Taiwan work together to make Taiwan a U.S. territory like Puerto Rico or the Northern Mariana Islands, making Taiwan a self-governing territory of the United States, through a plebiscite to be held at such time as the U.S. Government may deem appropriate.


Phase 2: Taiwan as a State of the United States


The Formosa Statehood Movement calls for full membership in the Union for Taiwan as the final and best solution to Taiwan's status problem.


The Formosan populace, we believe, will not be completely satisfied with the "Commonwealth" status for very long, because they will eventually appreciate that only with full membership in the Union can they enjoy full representation in the U.S. Congress, full vote for President, and political power commensurate with their economic strength.


Predicably, the future State of Formosa will rank top three in the American family in terms of the size of its population and economy. Taiwan as a State of the United States will have 2 senators and about 33 representatives to voice the will, aspirations, and needs of its residents. It's solid middle-class values of self-help, the need for education, and the overarching importance of family will resonate with the bulk of Americans and reinforce the best values of American civilization.




9E Cementing the Tie

Cementing the Tie

When most people first hear the suggestion that Taiwan should
become a State of the Union, their first thought is, "Won't that cause enormous problems with China?" By "China", they mean "Mainland" or "Communist" China. There's another way of thinking about this: that it will bring China and the United States closer, both literally and figuratively.


Geographically, Taiwan's accession to the Union would end the uncertainty about its future, not just in the minds of the people of Taiwan, but also in the mind of the government of China. China has a lot of problems. It doesn't need a Taiwan problem on top of all its other problems. The instant Taiwan becomes the 51st State, that instant does Taiwan become one less thing for Beijing to worry about or plan for. No invasion to have to prepare; no risk of an ill-considered attack blowing up into World War III. The government of mainland China can simply put that aside and look for the positives. And there will be plenty of positives to find.


Taiwan as part of the United States would become the commercial go-between that the United States needs to sell American goods, including Taiwan-made goods, on the Chinese mainland. Millions of Chinese-speaking Taiwanese are available from whom to recruit salesmen to speak to the ordinary Chinese citizen in his own language about the qualities that make U.S.-manufactured goods, or U.S. services, a good choice.


Taiwanese engineers and quality-control officers could make sure that such manufacturing operations as the U.S. conducts on the Chinese mainland meet strict U.S. standards for safety, and conformity with specs. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration would have a ready source of inspectors of pharmaceutical and food plants in China, as would the Consumer Product Safety Commission have inspectors in toy factories and the like. Such Taiwanese inspectors, fluent in Chinese, could converse with the man or woman on the production line to gather what could be crucial information to guarantee that no lead-based paint is used on toys for small children, no food or beverage is contaminated with melamine or watered down as to render its nutritional value below safety levels. (13 infants in China died from malnutrition from that cause.) [Link to include: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki2008_Chinese_ milk_scandal]


Most Americans of Chinese ancestry lose their family's language within two generations, and really aren't interested in learning it as a foreign language to serve in the U.S.-China trade and cultural and diplomatic relationships. Taiwanese either already have the language or are far more likely to be willing to learn another language (like Cantonese) to secure their future.


China stands as well to gain substantially from Taiwanese talent scouts, literary agents, and translators, including writers of subtitles and dubbers of voices, who could find worthy cultural materials on the mainland and make them accessible to Americans. At present, the trade in intellectual property is almost wholly one-way, FROM the United States TO mainland China (including Chinese piracy of U.S. films, music, and the like). Surely there must be things of cultural and intellectual value going on in China that the U.S. would like. Think of the enormous demand for entertainment and information posed by U.S. cable systems of hundreds of channels whose schedules are 90% or more just reruns of old syndicated American TV shows, some of them decades old.


Running 24 hours a day, a U.S. cable system of 180 channels (not even counting premium channels like HBO and Starz) use up 4,320 hours of programming a day. Multiply that by 365 days, and you see that a 180-channel system uses up 1,576,800 hours of programming every year! Consider as well that if half of that programming were in the form of half-hour shows, that means 788,400 of those hours would actually constitute 1,576,800 separate programs for that half, plus the other 788,400 hours of hour-long programs = 2,365,200 programs each and every year.


The U.S. television and film industry can't fill all that time, certainly not at the production costs that obtain in the United States. Might they be able to fill a lot more of it thru production centers in China? Surely so. And there are Chinese acrobats and New Wave rock groups and dancers and circus performers and variety shows, plus martial-arts movies and perhaps even Chinese soap operas that could be shown on some U.S. cable channels. Wouldn't the Chinese government welcome such production jobs (electricians, sound engineers, cameramen, caterers) in China-based American film and TV production facilities, and exports of China's own cultural productions to American audiences? I should think they would.


Certainly some extreme nationalists on the mainland would be furious at the idea of China's 'lost province' being permanently put beyond China's sovereign reach. The same people would be extremely uncomfortable with the United States becoming a greater player in East and Southeast Asia. How important are such people and such views in China's policymaking elite? Are the empire-builders who see China as the natural center of the universe — the Middle Kingdom around which all the rest of the world should revolve — mere throwbacks, few in number and scant in influence? Or are they in charge of Chinese policy?

Plainly there are people in China who don't want another "American Century". They want the 21st Century to be "the Chinese Century". But plainly those people do NOT presently control policy, because China is so heavily invested in the United States — news reports in March 2009 say that China holds $700 billion in U.S. Treasury bonds — and so deeply affected by U.S. difficulties, that the present U.S. downturn has caused severe dislocations within China, and even riots by workers of plants shut down because U.S. consumption of Chinese goods is down.

Realists in China know, and accept, that China cannot take care of its own people without a constructive relationship with the Unite States. Some of those realists now also must understand that "beggar thy neighbor" means disaster for China. Stealing all those millions of jobs from American workers did not produce permanent prosperity for China. It subverted the U.S. economy and contributed to the present near-catastrophe across the entire interrelated world of international trade — of which China is a huge part. When the U.S. hurts, China hurts. When the U.S. prospers, China prospers. Surely that understanding can be popularized across Chinese society — if we can reach Chinese society.


The issue then becomes, does it matter, in Communist China, what people in general think? Or are the people so powerless that only the views of the power elite matter?


That leads to the further issue of what influence can the United States have, at its present size or with Taiwan added, to promote the right of the people of China to be heard and their concerns heeded?


It is a truism of common sense that friends have more influence than have enemies. Criticisms from enemies produce indignant, defensive animus, and may make hostility more entrenched and aggressive, and drive a person, or country, in the opposite direction, to justify whatever is criticized, not accept it as a constructive suggestion of what they would be wise to do.

Criticisms from friends, gently issued with the intent of helping, however, may produce changes in the direction suggested. For instance, if someone you detest says, "You are fat and disgusting! You should hide in your house and never come out," you are not likely to see that as incentive to lose weight. But what if a dear friend says, "I'm very worried about you. Your weight has gotten out of control, and can subvert your health, even shorten your life. Why don't you come with me to my gym and see if a moderate exercise program can improve the quality of your life, increase your energy, and help you lose weight, feel better, and look better?"


The United States and China are now separated by the largest ocean in the world, geographically. There is also an ocean of difference in our histories and cultures. China is important to the U.S. The U.S. is important to China — and never more than now. Even in the days of horror during WWII, when the U.S. was trying to help China fight off Japan, but couldn't actually do very much within China, good feeling between our two countries didn't matter as much as it does now.


Taiwan can be not an irritant that drives the U.S. and China further apart, but an intermediary that brings us closer, latter-day Flying Tigers. It's all in how you see it, and how you present the case to the parties involved.


The hawks and empire-builders in Beijing have had their say. Now it's time to reach the Chinese man and woman in the street, the academics, the businessmen, the cultural and economic realists, the moderates who understand that the sun shines on each country independently, and you need not wish foul weather on others to enjoy the sun yourself. China need not resent the success of the United States, especially if they can piggyback their future on the prosperity of a great American friend.


The United States with Taiwan can make that case better than can the United States without Taiwan. So let's work enthusiastically and without reservations to bring Taiwan into the Union, for a bigger, better, and more effective United States, and a closer and more constructive relationship with China.


L. Craig Schoonmaker, Chairman of the Expansionist Party of the United States (http://www.ExpansionistParty.org); "The Expansionist" (http://antipost.blogspot.com)





9F A Great Cause and Mission

A Great Cause and Mission: A Plea to the Pro-Independence Formosan Americans and their Descendants

Can Taiwan become a state in the United States of America? Absolutely, yes! It is entirely up to the people of Taiwan and the U.S. We believe this endeavor for the statehood is most advantageous for all residents of Taiwan and Formosan Americans as well, regardless of their origin and race. We hope to prove to our fellow Formosan Americans here that the Formosan statehood plan is indeed a much more intelligent move than the Taiwanese nationhood plan.


1. The promotion of Taiwan's statehood in the Union enables Taiwan to directly influence U.S. policy including improving US-Taiwan relations. The beneficial effects on Taiwan can be almost immediate, as soon as a significant statehood movement is established. This is because logically the U.S. will support Taiwan more vigorously as a potential state, at least until the entire statehood process is played out. Even if the statehood is repeatedly rejected, the improved US-Taiwan relations developed in the interim will likely persist. On the other hand, the promotion of Taiwanese independence involves U.S. only indirectly by appealing to lofty ideals such as democratic values and principles.


2. The promotion of statehood appeals to U.S. self-interest by offering to share Taiwan's commercial and strategic advantages, whereas Taiwanese independence appeals to lofty ideals such as democratic principles, which do not benefit the U.S. that much. The shifting of the focus of U.S. political support over past decades, from the KMT regime (Chinese Nationalist Party) in Taiwan to the communist regime in China, is the result of shifting of the focus of U.S. self-interest. The main U.S. focus now is China's fertile trade potential for U.S. corporations.  When financial considerations are of paramount importance,  human rights and other related issues usually take a backseat.  But Taiwan may attract even more U.S. attention and support  by offering to become an integral part of U.S.


3. The interest in statehood advances Taiwan's Territorial security by seeking direct US-Taiwan security cooperation, whereas Taiwanese independence seeks U.S. security protection by appealing to lofty ideals, which might be offset by the U.S. interests in China. The greatest advantage of statehood over Taiwanese independence is the certainty of U.S. military protection of Taiwan. It is logical that the U.S. will provide very vigorous military support to Taiwan during the statehood process; for Taiwan's proven strategic importance; for the desperate need of military bases in the western Pacific region; for the obligation to maintain the security of Taiwan at all times until the statehood issue is settled: all for the self-interest of the U.S.


4. Pursuing statehood prevents Taiwan from becoming a pawn in US-China strategic trade-off. China has obviously been playing a game of strengthening her bargaining positions for strategic trade-off with U.S. for eventual elimination of U.S. military support to Taiwan, whether independent or not. "Did you say China should stop activities such as weapon sales and transfer of missile and nuclear technologies to terrorist-sponsoring countries like Iran and North Korea? Fine, then let the U.S. stop military support to Taiwan." Such trade-off will be far less likely when the strategic advantages of Taiwan and U.S. can become one and the same through the pursuit of statehood.


5. The pursuit of statehood enables Taiwan to avoid the increasing pressure to negotiate with China from an inferior position. This is so-called "peaceful unification." But Taiwan, independent or not, can only negotiate with China, not as a nation, but as something equivalent to a province of China only. The issue of statehood will obliterate Taiwan's need to negotiate with China at all, because this is an endeavor for US-statehood, not Chinese-statehood.


6. The statehood plan accomplishes far more by avoiding the taboo word "independence." The word has reached taboo status not only to Beijing and Washington, but also to the residents of Taiwan, who, although politically independence-minded, have reluctantly opted to maintain the status quo instead, just to avoid confronting the taboo word. For us, to repeat that taboo word can be counter-productive. Actually it is wise not to and there is no need at all. As far as China is concerned Taiwan, in any name, is already independent. The original intention of the promotion of Taiwanese independence is to unite the residents of Taiwan to topple the KMT alien regime. But it now moves to free Taiwan from China's annexation of the island and to stop the political agenda of the pro-unification PFP (People First Party)and KMT. The pursuit of can do the job effectively, if not far better, because it is essentially incompatible with China's domination over Taiwan and PFP-KMT coalition's drive for "unification."


7. The pursuit of statehood internationalizes the "Taiwan issue." China has always been attempting to isolate and marginalize Taiwan, whether independent or not, by claiming that this is an internal matter of China. And although Taiwan has been trying to break out of this stranglehold by attempting to join international organizations such as the United Nations, she has encountered increasing difficulties because of China's restless interference. The statehood plan will enable Taiwan to transcend China's veto power, to negotiate directly with the U.S., and to participate in international affairs through the United States.


8. The statehood plan enables Taiwan to dissociate completely from the Chinese civil war. China has been using "to finish off the civil war" as an excuse for her aggressive stance toward Taiwan. But most of the residents of Taiwan have nothing to do with that war. The persisting political problems for the residents of Taiwan are the direct results of the pro-China parties' claim that Taiwan is part of China. Although KMT regime was toppled, the sovereign nation of Taiwan, in whatever name, will always be seen by China as a "renegade province," ready to be attacked and restored. In other words, "one China, one Taiwan" will never be good enough for China. "One China, one US-Taiwan" may still be not good enough for China, but she may run out of "civil war" excuses against Taiwan, and may be forced to accept the new reality because of the presence of U.S. as an active player. While the process of Taiwan's US-statehood is still ongoing, attacking Taiwan means attacking the United States. Therefore, instead of promoting independence, it would be wiser for the innocent Taiwanese people to hasten affiliation with the U.S. to indicate her rejection of both parties to the Chinese civil war, and will have nothing to do with that war in the future.


9. The pursuit of statehood, as some previous polls showed, appeals to most residents of Taiwan, whatever their background, and whether they support Taiwan independence or not, simply because it is very attractive to be American citizens. Even pro-China or pro-independence leaders and activists hold US green cards or citizenship, and own real estate and have bank accounts in the United States, not mentioning whatever their offspring are doing here on a permanent basis. The ordinary residents of Taiwan can only dream about becoming American citizens and this becomes clear through the polling that took place.


10. The issue of statehood assures wider worldsupport. Most countries will likely support Taiwan's formal association with the United States, not only for democratic principles, but for their own self-interest. A strong and lasting U.S. military presence in East Asia has stabilizing effects due to the new balance of power in the region. On the other hand, an independent Taiwan will most likely be seen as only a temporary situation because the threat from China will always be there, not only to the independent Taiwan, but also to neighboring countries themselves. A China with military bases in Taiwan will be a devastating threat to all remaining nations there indeed.


11. The pursuit of statehood is the best gambit against China's military threat against Taiwan. No matter how long Taiwan has been independent, China has the option to wait until the most opportune moment to invade the diplomatically isolated Taiwan. And so the issue of statehood will hasten an US-China military showdown, if one occurs at all, because China's military options will then be limited to the period before Taiwan's jumping onto the trail of a US-Taiwan integration process. But for the foreseeable future, it is unlikely to see the US-China military showdown, because it is far more advantageous for Taiwan and the U.S. to go to war with China now when Taiwan's military defenses are still intact and U.S. still has the upper hand militarily, even in Asia. A brilliant strategic move against the Chinese expansionists indeed.


12. The promotion of statehood offers a new approach to this situation, whereas the promotion of Taiwanese independence is basically the same old strategy. Whatever the significance of President Bush's announcement about not supporting Taiwanese independence, it indicates some weakness in the old strategy of promoting Taiwanese independence as the political weapon against the China threat. It also indicates the danger of losing American support if Taiwanese independence is continuously promoted. This is indeed the time for a new strategy to provide a long-term security umbrella for Taiwan, to calm the residents of Taiwan, to help them snap out of the complacence of political status quo, to help Taiwan break away from increasing isolation, to take advantage of the new momentum for change, and to seize the new opportunity to move forward.


It is necessary to reiterate the important point that the benefits of promoting statehood for Taiwan are practically immediate and persisting, and they are not contingent on the successful outcome of becoming a state of the United States. In other words, the pursuit of statehood has the advantage over Taiwanese independence at whatever stages of its development. This is because the U.S. will provide Taiwan with special considerations as soon as the potential of the statehood is established. Therefore, we cannot use the uncertainty of the final outcome as an excuse for not promoting statehood.


If the statehood is such a great idea, why haven't we vigorously promoting it and, instead, waste our precious resources and energy in the Taiwan Independence Movement for the past half century? We believe the following may be the reasons:


(1) Our romantic desire for the "Republic of Taiwan." It is natural for people to desire to have their own nation, president, anthem, flag, and all that, rather than just becoming the 51st state, no matter how great the U.S. is. But be realistic and pragmatic. If Taiwan is militarily unable to defend herself on her own, it would be more intelligent for her to be part of a democratic, prosperous, and strong America now, than insisting on nationhood now and to be conquered and annexed later by the neighboring giant bully which is autocratic, repressive, chauvinistic, and economically backward. Let us make a wise choice now while we still have the freedom to choose.


2) Our unrealistic overconfidence in the effectiveness of Taiwanese independence against imperialist China. The promotion of Taiwanese nationhood was very effective in rallying popular support for the purpose of toppling the KMT alien regime. But the KMT was merely an antiquated and anachronistic political phenomenon in Taiwan. Given a proper initiative like nationhood, the residents of Taiwan could vote the KMT candidates out of positions of power, practically wholesale. But the expansionist China is an entirely different animal. Using only the promotion of Taiwanese nationhood against the threat of China's inroad is obviously inadequate. The once pro-Taipei Bush administration's several announcements disfavoring Taiwanese independence could serve as wake-up calls for all who have indulged in promoting Taiwanese nationhood exclusively.


(3) Our blindness to the grossly unfavorable position of an independent Taiwan. Like it or not, the new reality is that China is already a world power, at least regionally, and at least capable of bullying Taiwan seriously. China is also autocratic and expansionistic. It is totally unrealistic to believe that an independent Taiwan, even with US military support, will be allowed to coexist peacefully with Nazi China----the New Evil Empire----side by side.

(4) Our unwillingness to face the unpleasant reality that the Taiwanese nationhood is a noble but lost cause. True, the Formosan American communities do have a long history and tradition of supporting the cause of the Taiwanese independence. That's why we are unwilling to face the unpleasant reality that the U.S. government has kept stating it does not support the idea of an independent sovereign Taiwan. We keep ignoring the fact that the U.S. government dealt so many serious blows to the Taiwanese Independent Movement. We forget that President Chen Shui-bian at one time stated, "I can't make it. I can't make it. Even Lee Teng-hui can't make it, either. We have to stop fooling ourselves." Taiwanese independence is a lost cause already. We'd better face the cruel reality and change our course.


(5) Our reluctance to accept the fact that the Taiwanese population are in a totally different situation from ours. Taiwan is just about 150 miles away from China. The Taiwanese people are under the China threat. More than 700 missiles are targeting them. This is very serious business. Unlike us Formosan Americans, the Taiwanese people see that their lives, properties, and freedom are in danger. The truth is that most residents on Taiwan do not want to risk their lives in search of de jure independence. So, why do we Formosan Americans push the independence agenda so hard in disregard of their paramount concern, that is, avoiding a cross-strait war? If we Formosan Americans really care about the well-being of the Taiwanese people, we must look for a much safer and better option for them as an alternative. We mean, the Formosan Statehood Plan.


(6) Our rash judgment and hasty rejection of statehood as impractical or impossible for Taiwan. It is very easy for us to be overwhelmed by the potential difficulties and complexity involving the process of statehood, and to abandon it without serious consideration and adequate effort. The final outcome of statehood is, on the contrary, very much up to us.


(7) Our lack of awareness that such a viable option as the statehood actually exists. We believe this is by far the most important reason why we haven't considered the statehood as an effective strategy for advancing the security of Taiwan and the well-being of her residents. We may have been so busy promoting Taiwanese independence that we failed to use statehood as a far better strategy. We have not been able to see the forest for the trees, so to speak. But now we can confront this awareness problem head-on by vigorously publicizing statehood.


What can we Formosan Americans do to help the cause of statehood? Plenty! We can exercise our civil rights by fully expressing our political perspectives and aspirations and promote them. Like participating in voting, such expression of political views is not only a privilege, but also a duty of a responsible citizen. The democratic process cannot flourish without our active participation.


And since the statehood agenda is entirely up to the people of Taiwan and the United States, we should express our views not only in America as U.S. citizens of Formosan origin, but also in Taiwan. To promote the pursuit of U.S.-statehood for Taiwan, we can write or talk to anyone in the world as we see fit, in informal as well as formal settings. We would urge our fellow Formosan Americans to do everything we can.


Certainly, any one of us, to promote the cause of statehood, can send letters/emails to the President of the United States, Congressional leaders, the Senator and Congressman in our constituency, Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense, National Security Adviser to the President, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Commander-in-Chief of the U.S. Pacific Command, Commander of the U.S. Seventh Fleet, and Chairperson of the American Institute in Taiwan, etc. We, may write or talk to our community leaders, publishers and editors of our local media, school teachers, church leaders, librarians of our local library, leading figures of civic groups in our home town or city. We, of course, may from time to time write open letters to the national mainstream newspapers of our choice and ask them to publish.


We would urge our fellow Formosan Americans to set up a "U.S.-Taiwan Integration Society," an "Annexation Club," or an "Action Committee for the Formosan Statehood in the Union" on the city/township, county, state, or even national level. And, we hope someday these grassroots civic groups can help organize and finance petition, lobbying, and other activities in the States.


We would also urge our fellow Formosan Americans to make donations or financial contributions to the Taiwan-based or U.S.-based civic groups devoted to the cause of statehood and to the political figures championing specifically U.S.-statehood for Taiwan.



Since the statehood issue is entirely up to the people of Taiwan and the U.S., we should express our views not only in America as U.S. citizens, but also in Taiwan because it is our country of origin, and so we are entitled to special concern about its destiny. To promote statehood for Taiwan, we can write or talk to anyone in the world as we see fit, in informal as well as formal settings. We would urge our fellow Formosan Americans to raise the issue and do everything we can. For instance, we may ask the candidates for any offices to give their endorsements to the cause of the Formosan statehood.


Certainly, any one of us, if qualified, can also directly participate in the political advancement of the cause by becoming a candidate for political offices, in America or in Taiwan. Any Formosan American willing to become Taiwanese again for the purpose of direct participation in the political activities there for such a cause is admirable. But we are sure that most of us will leave this "dirty business of politics" to those true diehards who can stand the ugly side of it.


Should we involve our children and their peers? Most definitely. Some of them are already in their 30s or 40s, and they are more capable than the first-generation Formosan Americans in most aspects as productive citizens. As Formosan Americans, they should be expected to be interested in matters concerning Taiwan, Formosans, and Formosan Americans. But our experiences so far are not very encouraging. Most of them we have encountered believe that community matters of Formosan Americans are entirely the responsibility of us in the first generation, and they would just use "too busy" as an excuse to avoid any participation at all.


Should we blame our American-born or Taiwanese-born offspring for their indifference and inertia concerning our community matters? Probably not. If anything, we should blame ourselves first. We believe that most of us since their childhood have given them the idea that they should concentrate on their studies, career, marriage, and everything else for personal gain. We have indicated to them implicitly as well as explicitly that Taiwanese and Formosan-American community affairs should be the least of their concern.


In addition, since the age when they were able to read, write, and voice their own opinions, they have been almost completely excluded from our community meetings and community newspapers, and so depriving them of the opportunities to be influenced by us indirectly through our interaction with them in community settings. Most people in the world, from the most primitive to the most civilized, interact with their offspring in community settings on a daily basis, as a matter of course.


This almost total dislocation of our two generations has happened in America, not Taiwan, and so we alone are to be blamed. How can we blame the KMT alien regime for our children's woeful ignorance of Taiwan's history, culture, politics, and security concerns? How can we expect them to attend our community gatherings and read our community newspapers when we are still using language unintelligible to them? How can we suddenly expect them now to be eager to get involved in the U.S.-statehood for Taiwan?


Fortunately, we hope we still have some moral influence over them. After all, we have paid for their tuition, even up to graduate schools. Shouldn't we expect something in return? Not money. This is because our monthly social security income will be more than adequate at our ripe old age, without the danger of starvation, so we don't expect our children's financial assistance to us at all, do we? If not, then we are perfectly justified to expect them to pitch in their time and effort for this great cause of the US-statehood for Taiwan, as a repayment to us and the people of Taiwan, who have subsidized our own tuition in the first place. By the way, we must help them realize that they are exactly the ones who will be benefiting most once the cause of the Formosan statehood gets accomplished. With Taiwan's joining with the Union, the American-educated second-generation Americans of Formosan origin will certainly get their best chance to become the ruling elite in both the Continental America and in the State of Formosa, Just to remind our fellow Formosan Americans, Taiwan will rank top three in the American family in terms of economic power and population. And, this strength will be transformed into the political power and social status of our American-educated second-generation Formosan Americans.


What we are trying to say is: The active involvement of the second-generation Formosan Americans in fighting for the cause of the Formosan statehood best serves their own interests, not the interests of anybody else. Therefore, we reason, self-interest can be a driving force for our offspring to make their commitments to the great cause.


Our offspring are entirely capable of doing anything and everything for the cause, at least in America. The only thing they need now is a little discipline about the willingness to do for the community which we forgot to enforce on them before. Our suggestion to our fellow Formosan Americans now is to send a copy of this essay to them as a way to broach the issue or subject. But please make sure to follow up with checking for their real actions. We would stress the word "follow-up" because, without it, we might as well forget the whole thing. After our decades of neglect, they would most definitely need our frequent reminding now to get anything concerning community matters done. They will do it only if you really mean business. Too busy? All of us always have enough time for important matters. No exceptions.


Another suggestion to our fellow Formosan Americans is to to enclose some form letters, which are readily available on a couple of websites devoted to the cause. This is not only the simplest thing they can do now, but also the most effective "warm-up" exercise for their involvement in our community matters. The messages in those form letters may be routine to us, but they could be eye-openers for our children who have not been exposed to our community affairs for a long, long time. And this is the best way for us to start to rein in our influence over our children again, because what we expect of them is action, no matter how insignificant the action seems to be at first.


And we should always take these form letters seriously. Just like votes, you and I have only one vote each, and two votes don't mean much. But votes can be added up to be a formidable force if we can add them up to hundreds of thousands. Ditto for those form letters. The President may likely read, if at all, at the most only one or two of those form letters we have sent to him. But if what we have sent turns out to be hundreds of thousands when his assistants tally them up, the President will for sure take notice of our messages and appeals. If we need to send out hundreds of thousands of these letters to make a big impact on him, then every one of us should send one, considering the puny size of our ethnic community. Can we afford not to ask every one of our second generation to do likewise?


We, of course, also hope our children can offer their articles, treatises, essays, or letters to the media of all forms, national or local, to help promote the cause.


Yes, it's also not too early to speak to our grandchildren now, if we are fortunate to have them already, about the US-statehood for Taiwan. Even a child can understand that it is truly a blessing to be an American citizen. Just simply tell them that we are helping all the relatives and friends left behind in Taiwan, including every little cousin there, to become Americans, even if they choose to stay in Taiwan forever. We are sure our grandchildren will be eager to write and speak for the cause when they grow up. They will also be eager to champion for the cause one day when they become powerful political figures themselves.


It's not too early because the statehood may take a couple of decades or even half a century. It's not too early because it takes time to change and we cannot expect our own children to be able to instill in their children properly these community matters, can we? It's not too early because it takes time for ourselves to realize that our own lack of concern about community affairs is the real source of our children's indifferent attitude in the first place. Investing our time and effort on our grandchildren now is a necessary way to make up for our missed opportunity of indoctrinating our children during their childhood on the importance of serving our own community.


We believe that the attractive features of the pursuit of U.S.-statehood to most residents on Taiwan and the benefits to the Formosan Americans are almost self-evident. There is no need for further  iscussions.  All we have to do now is to follow our conscience and make our commitments and contributions to the great cause!





9G An Ardent Appeal

An Ardent Appeal to Uncle Sam, American Citizens of All Ethnic Groups, Formosan Americans, Chinese Americans, and Formosan Emigrants All Over the World


I. The Formosan Statehood Best Serves the Interests of the United States


1. As the victor in the Pacific War, the United States liberated all the islands ruled or occupied by the Japanese, including Formosa (Taiwan) and the Pescadores (the Penghu Islands).


2. Under the San Francisco Peace Treaty (SFPT) of 1952, Taiwan was ceded in limbo by Japan, presumptively and logically leaving America as the guardian of the Formosan sovereignty. Taiwan has been put under the regime of American quasi-trusteeship ever since as the United States was designated as ''the principal occupying power''.


3. Under the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) of 1979, a public law of the U.S., America has kept playing the role of protector of Taiwan. Taiwan has been the security, strategic, economic, and political interests of the U.S. since the Korean War.


4. With its legal status still undecided, Taiwan should be allowed to hold a plebiscite or plebiscites when the United States deems appropriate.


The people on Taiwan is entitled to giving its sovereignty to the United States and establishing a self-rule commonwealth, following the example of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands.


5. The Formosan statehood will complete the final phase of the "American Pacific Empire" envisioned by Commodore Matthew C. Perry and Ambassador Townsend Harris of the 19th century.


6. The Formosa Statehood Movement (FSM) proposes "The Two-Phase Taiwan-U.S. Integration Project," by which Taiwan will be integrated into America peacefully and perfectly and then make Taiwan suitable and qualified for applying for admission into the Union as a full member.


7. The Formosan statehood will secure and advance the security, strategic, political, and economic interests of the United States.


8. The Formosan statehood will turn Taiwan into an ideal forward base for spreading the American values and culture in the Asia-Pacific.


9. With the status of Taiwan settled and secured in the hand of America, the potential conflict between the U.S. and China will be eased and avoided eventually, and thus enhance peace, stability, and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific Region.


10. Taiwan, as a permanent base for the United States, will secure the military and political presence of the U.S. in the Asia-Pacific. Japan, China, India, and all countries of the Asia-Pacific will thus enjoy stable economic development and have a superpower America as the protector and power balance in the region.


11. The admission and addition of Taiwan as a state full of hard-working, educated, creative, intelligent, and law-abiding citizens is definitely a valuable asset to the United States.
A sizable economy, an army of restless and creative entrepreneurs and management class, an army of hard-working labor force, huge investment all over the world, and abundant capital will benefit the U.S. economically.


As Taiwan joins the Union, the United States, assuring the security of the island, can easily help make Taiwan a commercial, financial, and industrial hub of the Asia-Pacific region. That in turn will make Taiwan a much more valuable asset of the United States.


12. As Taiwan becomes part of the Union, the abundant oil and gas reserves in the East China Sea, the Taiwan Strait, the South China Sea (known as the Second Gulf Area) can be explored and shared by the United States.


13. When Taiwan becomes part of the Union, the immense pool of Formosan talents will make a huge contribution to the United States because some ethnic groups of Taiwan have established valuable business and other connections with the Japanese, peoples in the Southeast Asia, and the Chinese in China proper and overseas.


II. The Formosan Statehood Best Serves the Interests of Formosan Americans, Chinese Americans, and American Citizens of All Ethnic Groups


1. During the U.S.-Taiwan Integration Period, Taiwan will create and offer a lot of job opportunities, for instance, English teaching, for American citizens of all ethnic groups, including Americans of Formosan heritage or of Chinese ancestry.


2. As Taiwan becomes part of the Union, lots of Formosans/Chinese would seek habitual residence (not "permanent residence" under the definition of the Immigration and Naturalization Act) in the Continental America, enlarging the size of Formosan/Chinese population in some states or areas, and thus helping ethnic Formosan/Chinese groups gain more seats in the U.S. Congress, state assemblies, and town/city councils. Overall, ethnic Formosan/Chinese will wield much more political, economic, financial, and social power and influence throughout the United States.


3. Once Taiwan becomes part of the United States, the relations between the U.S. and China will become less and less intense over the years, thus help secure Chinese Americans as a constructive force in American societies. On the contrary, if China grows to be a hostile and menacing power in Asia, Chinese Americans might become "the public enemy" to the suspicious American general public and fall victims to the American patriotism.


4. Once Taiwan becomes part of the U.S., Formosan/Chinese Americans will gain much better chance to build up their support base in Taiwan because they command much better English language, have better comprehension of the U.S., and establish much better connections with the Continental American societies.


5. The Formosa Statehood Movement wishes to help Formosan emigrants all over the world realize that they will gain much more benefits and obtain much more protection from the United States if Taiwan becomes part of the American Union.





9H Why Taiwan?


To: Taiwanese-Americans, Taiwanese, Chinese, the literate world, and most directly; the American people,


Politics are impersonal. Therefore, I have decided to write an epistle directly to the people regarding the current status of Taiwan. I do warn readers that this may be appear brusque, but please note that being offended at the truth is denial of it.


1. The Situation:


Taiwan has been stuck in a sort of limbo for decades and one decade is too long. It waits in the midst of a status quo that is better described as a form of national stasis. In this story there are three players: the United States, China and Taiwan. It should be clear that two of the three entities listed have no right to determine the existence of the third; Taiwan, yet the political tug-o-war persists. As will be discussed, the island has become the personification of the histories of the United States and China, histories that those countries should not wish to repeat.


2. The Experiential History of the United States


The United States views Taiwan in the light that is uniquely American, in which life and freedom are highly valued but over which the thundercloud of the American Civil War looms. Immediately after the election of Abraham Lincoln, the majority of southern American states seceded from the Union to form a nation called the Confederate States of America (CSA). Although the CSA had elected a president and began printing its own money, the entity was never recognized by the world to any significant degree as an independent nation-state. This was unimportant, however, due to the events that followed secession which were: war, the annihilation of the infrastructure, an end to the de facto Independence of the CSA, complete emancipation of slaves, restoration of the Union, and a damaged sense of national pride. This experience was one of the most important events in the history of the world, considering its implications and with this being the closest parallel the U.S. can show experience, what parallels we draw here are flawed for a number of reasons. For the sake of brevity, we will simply point out that the CSA was in all senses a region of an existing country and had attempted independence with the notion that the cornerstone of the Confederacy was inequality* while Taiwan, an outlying island, does not reflect similar enough circumstances for that level of comparison.


3. The Experiential History of China and The Current Position

What the world knows now as China has a divided history of kingdoms usurping kingdoms and territorial capriciousness. Tibet, Hong Kong, Western and Southern China are some of the hot buttons that trigger aggressive rhetoric and defensiveness. This alludes to the fact that China as a state was never actually in control of Taiwan. The Qing Dynasty had once claimed the honor but was unable to literally control the island, with no capacity to administer to the island. The Qing Empire even received complaints regarding aggression by some of the island's population against foreign powers. During a war with Japan, to avoid invasion of the mainland, the Qing Dynasty gave Taiwan to Japan. World War II struck and Japan attacked the United States, drawing America openly into the war. Upon surrender, Japan was instructed to have all troops in Taiwan surrender to the Republic of China, however a civil war in China forced the Kuomintang (KMT, nationalist party, representing the Republic of China) onto the island of Taiwan, leaving the victorious Communist party (represented by the People's Republic of China) in control of the mainland. Due to the civil war in progress, Japan did not mention who Taiwan's sovereignty was surrendered to but stipulated that the United States was the primary occupying power in Taiwan, legally and formally, a territory belonging to Japan. China's grasp on this situation is that Japan's aggression was wrongful against the Qing Empire and that the Qing Empire WAS China. The Chinese Civil War was still in its throes then and never truly ended. The democratic island of Taiwan remains de facto independent and the communist mainland of China enjoys world recognition as a de jure nation, in which Taiwan is a "rouge province" that must be reinstituted with their "One China Policy" and “any means of force necessary”**. Today, the world has tersely turned its back on Taiwan, switching its recognition of “China” from the ROC to the PRC, without even allowing for the recognition of both. And what's worse is that China possesses nuclear arms which makes “any means of force necessary” ring all the louder in one's ear. The tens of millions of people on Taiwan find themselves at the end of the Chinese fission gun and behind it lurks the gloom of the history of draconian communist rule.


4. The Wills and The Ways


The fear of one major power (PRC) is abated by the protection of a super power (USA), as provided by the Taiwan Relations Act which is a public law in the United States. The extent of this law is not merely arms sales but the protection of the island as if it were a state in the Union. While maintaining a threatening stance toward Taiwan, China adheres to a "one China" policy and aggressive expansionism into nations that may or may not want their rule based on loose historic ties. The will of China to be in direct control of Taiwan is the end to which the way of threatening war is the means. This stance is purely ethno-ego driven with no legitimate ties to Taiwan. The will of the United States is to keep the status quo until something can be worked out in compromise, even if it means that the Taiwanese people find themselves "wrongfully imprisoned" in a limbo between their aspirations and Communist China's, which are principally different and incompatible; this is the unending end of open conflict that the U.S. hopes will eventually spawn a solution. The means of this is the law. Both China and the United States vow to keep to their guns, literally and figuratively, to the use of force if necessary. It's evident that the will of the United States and the will of China are mutually exclusive and doomed to erode to nil. The final conclusion would inevitably be that China exercises military force to take Taiwan and the United States exercises military force to defend it. Either way, Taiwan loses; and quite possibly the rest of the world as well.


5. My Opinion


It's clear to me that the One China policy is evidence that the civil war is still going if even only in propaganda. If there is one China, there are certainly two powers claiming it. There is an inevitable war brewing, whether intentionally or otherwise, that puts Taiwan in the cross fire. The island in contest is, ironically, being ignored. The people of Taiwan, as well as the rest of the world, have the right of self-determination. An empire clamoring for more and more, resources and land, infringes on the civil rights of a people who were never a party to Communist China to begin with. It has been the way of the United States throughout history to protect freedom and preserve democracy in all lands (for better or for worse). Even if that freedom is to choose not to be free. Clearly, here, Taiwan's will is to be free but in doing so, the United States would no longer be legally obligated to defend the island. This gap would quickly be taken advantage of by China and a very bloody but brief encounter would be marked in the pages of history as "The Short Lived History of the Independent Nation of Taiwan". The state of Texas was looking down the barrel of the reinvigorated Mexican army as its border disputes remained front-and-center when it was finally accepted as a state in the Union. After acceptance, Mexico attacked a U.S. patrol sparking off the war, as it had intended to eventually retake the “rouge territory” of the Republic of Texas, and the United States rose up and crushed the Mexican army in what is known as the Mexican American war. Taiwan is now at the verge of war and inching closer by the day. Blood could be shed but a more peaceful and wise solution is available: statehood in the United States.


If the protection of the United States has thus far defended Taiwan from invasion and helped bolster the economy, imagine the mutual benefits of Taiwan joining the Union. Here are some arguments that you may have along with the most evident responses:


A1. It's too far away.


A2. They don't speak English.


A3. They're Chinese, not American.


R1. Guam happens to be in the same longitude as the northern island of Japan! Our friends from Guam have little trouble coming here and us Americans in the contiguous 48 states do not have trouble going to Guam, or Hawaii, or Alaska, or Asian countries. In fact, those of us who make frequent trips to Asia would find that Taiwan as a state would provide a much deeper discount on airline prices and a beautiful stop for vacation or layover.


R2. Originally, the people who settled in Louisiana did not speak English, they spoke French. This is still reflected in the state today which does not have counties; it has parishes. Many of the city names are French, and a completely original dialect is centered there. Many of our Hispanic friends and neighbors were raised speaking Spanish and many immigrants who came to the United States did not speak English. It is likely that your ancestors did not speak a word of English before arriving in the United States. One should also note that when children are born, they certain do not speak English. It is true that English is the international language and with this in mind people should not feel as though they will lose English in the United States. If anything, English will blossom in Taiwan for a better economy and social ties.


R3. Sure, they may be part Chinese and there's nothing wrong with that. Many of our friends may be Chinese or part Chinese. This effort at separating “us” from “them” is moot when remembering where our forefathers came from; mostly from all over Europe, many from Africa, some from Asia. But by far these three overshadow the native population. And the native population are the only ones who can really say “us” and “them”. Ethnicity is irrelevant in today's world, it is culture that makes one American or Chinese or European or African or otherwise.


The implications and the factual concrete outcomes of Taiwanese statehood are numerous and overwhelmingly beneficial. The United States is just that, a Union of States. The term state meaning: an independent governmental entity. However, we are all unified under a federal constitution and a national government. The term national meaning: an independent society of people. The American nation is a union of nations; of Ohioans, Californians, New Yorkers, Texans and why not Formosans (Formosa being another name for Taiwan)?


6. Why Taiwan?


The answers to “why?” are numerous and many of the answers are dire in their urgency. First, one should understand the financial implications. Initially the most obvious benefit is a boost in tax revenue by 23 million people. For the Taiwanese, there's a 350 million person tax increase. How would you like to get more back in your tax return and see better social programs? Better schools? Better hospitals? Of course, this would also mean that there are more people taking funds from these services but consider that Taiwan's GDP of roughly $450 billion and a healthy growth rate shows that the island has entrepreneurial strengths like that of the United States and would be ranked the 9th largest in Gross State Product (just below #8 Ohio and just above #10 Virginia). The less obvious benefits may not be as quickly perceived as the great financial and investment opportunities but are just as important, if not more.


Taiwan is suffering from a bully across the strait; China. China consistently threatens the island and even has more than 700 ballistic missiles targeting the island. Why has China not attacked yet to “retake” the island? I mentioned before that the Taiwan Relations Act, a public law here, provides that we must protect Taiwan in the event of war. China is not willing to jump into that ring so it is content with threatening until either the U.S. releases itself from the duty to protect Taiwan or until, essentially, no one is looking. If Taiwan were a state, China would be faced with a dilemma: retract all of the false claims it has to Taiwan and move on, or be trounced by a U.S. war machine. Any true peace loving society would certainly allow Taiwan to make its own choice rather than fight and lose to have its own choice overshadowed by the will of others. No man goes to his neighbor and says “You and I are similar and share a distant great uncle. Therefore I claim you and your house and you must now live under my rules”. That notion alone is ridiculous, but when you consider the atrocious lack of human rights in mainland China, it becomes clear that Taiwan is on the same moral footing as the United States regarding individual freedom. Back to the bully; if the U.S. were to have a military base or two in the new state of Taiwan, not only would China be inclined to tone down its posturing and bullying but the rest of the Asia-Pacific community as well. The bases currently in Asian nations could be consolidated and tensions in those host nations eased. These are the implications of peace. The United States has been, for decades, a symbol of justice and what many consider the “world police”. In defending Taiwan, the United States is defending the rest of Asia. No other nation in modern times can claim and maintain the responsibility of keeping peace in lands that are in other hemispheres. And in modern times, this has become increasingly more difficult just because of that distance. Here, the distance can be negated with the help of Taiwan, a partner in peace. Some would say “It would be imperialistic for the United States to exist in two hemispheres”, and again we look to Guam, which is in the eastern hemisphere. It would be prudent to also point to Alaska, which includes the Aleutian Islands which extend out and nearly touch Russia. It's not a matter of imperialism when both sides consent it becomes a matter of peaceful partnership. This is the only real way to provide for China leaving the besieged and internationally abandoned Taiwanese people alone.


7. In Conclusion


To conclude, let us recall the inscription on a statue that was given to the U.S. by a foreign people which has now become one of many symbols that the United States stands for:


The New Colossus


Not like the brazen giant of Greek fame, with conquering limbs astride from land to land; Here at our sea-washed, sunset gates shall stand a mighty woman with a torch, whose flame is the imprisoned lightning, and her name Mother of Exiles. From her beacon-hand Glows world-wide welcome; her mild eyes command The air-bridged harbor that twin cities frame, "Keep, ancient lands, your storied pomp!" cries she with silent lips. "Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore, Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me, I lift my lamp beside the golden door!" - Emma Lazarus


The people of Taiwan find themselves in a situation in which they can turn and walk toward the gallows erected to execute and eliminate their freedom, or they can turn and approach the “golden door”. Where they stand now is the road to freedom and independence, but it's just a road, on which there are two destinations. The United States turned its back on oppression, and in many other forms throughout its history as well the peaceful and civilized world has done the same. What we must do now is show the Formosan people that there is another way and to allow them their right to choose liberty.


By Christopher Jewells


* CSA Vice President Alexander Stephens' “Corner Stone” speech.
** Paraphrased from China's Anti-Secession Law





9I For more information on the Facebook page of the Formosa Statehood Movement, please use the following link: https://www.facebook.com/The-Formosa-Statehood-Movement-486092558141250/

 

bottom of page